TO MR. JOHN BUTLER, GREEN STREET, LITTLE BOLTON, BOLTON.

SIR, Dorchester Gaol, June 4, 1822. THOUGH an utter stranger to you, either personally or by correspondence, I take the liberty to address a few words to you upon the subject of some of your observations in a letter of yours to Mr. Hunt, printed in the appendage to the 35th Number of his "Memoirs." I beg to assure you, that there is not a sentence in that letter offensive to me, so I wish you to receive this as written in the spirit of friendship and free discussion. Your letter touches upon principles, which can never be too much discussed, and controversy forms the best medium for the best and clearest exhibition of the best principles. For my part, I never wish to hold a principle that can be impeached, and that I cannot defend against that impeachment. I am bigotted to noue, and value none before another, but as I find them more stable and unimpeachable. I further think it necessary that I should notice your letter, because Mr. Hunt has particularly called the attention of his readers to that letter; which is evidently done on account of the observations in it you have connected with my name, as having opposed the purposed application of the funds of the Great Radical Northern Union.

Your first observation relating to this object is as follows: "The Northern Union has flagged a little in consequence of the attacks of Mr. Carlile, and may be retarded in its operation in this town for the present; but have no fear of its ultimate reviving, to be more extensively embraced." I have no fear of its ultimate revival, and I feel a pleasure in the idea that I have done something towards strangling this serpent in its birth. I would have gladly lent my humble aid towards forming a Great Northern Union, but when I found its only professed object was to subscribe money to put certain men, or any men into the present House of Commons, then I felt it to be my duty to denounce the project as one of a mischievous tendency, and one calculated in the end to divide and disgust the subscribers, instead of forming a Great Union.

Your next sentence runs thus: "The Carlile party were voted out of the Union Rooms above a fortnight ago, in consequence of having withdrawn their support from it."

(Meaning, I presume, the Great Northern Radical Union.) "Two cannot walk together except they be agreed." I despise the designation of any party as a "Carlile Party," and sincerely hope there are no Republicans in Bolton, or in Lancashire, who would designate themselves by such an epithet: if it be put upon them by others, of course they cannot help it. There ought to be no such distinctions among honest men and real Reformers, as "Hunt Parties" or "Carlile Parties." Such designations exhibit great weakness and littleness of mind wherever they are instituted. I assure you that I do not feel any gratification in hearing there was a "Carlile Party" in Bolton, and your letter is my first information upon the subject. I know there are Republicans in Bolton, and I know that if they see it necessary to separate themselves from the other professed Reformers, there will be but a small number left. I certainly did hear a fortnight since that sixteen men, who were avowed Republicans, were voted out of the Union Rooms: and I was informed that fifteen of them resolved to form a Union to themselves upon more honourable grounds than that from which they had been outvoted; but nothing since of the matter have I heard. I earnestly advise the Republicans of Bolton to form a Union to themselves, and I will be bound for it, that if it be established upon pure Republican principles, and be free of all trickery and all improper money subscriptions, within twelve months it will leave what is now called the Radical Union in such a state as to vote itself extinct. I earnestly advise these fifteen men to make a trial of this matter, be they who they may, for the name of one of them has not been communicated to me. I understand their offence is the avowal of Republican principles, and a refusal to be duped of their pence for the Great Northern Union. If this be the case, I will stand by them and defend their principles, and shew the Radicals that they cannot do the same for their Party, or any other Party that hold themselves distinct from Republican principles.

You proceed to say, that my objections to the Union are those which have before been brought forward and refuted. This is erroneous. I made my objection instantly that the purpose of the Union was avowed; and I do not know any other political writer who has noticed it but those who are interested in its support.

Next you observe, that I have accused the Union of the intention to purchase a borough, a plan which no man of

66

sound principles entertains." I agree with you, Sir, that no man of sound principles would entertain the plan: but the plan has been entertained and avowed by the institutors of that Union; for a proof of which I refer you to the pages of the three great exclusive channels of Radical intelligence, "The Black Dwarf," "The Manchester Observer," and Mr. Hunt's" Memoirs," for the latter part of last year, The first proposition was roundly made, that a certain sum might be raised by a certain number within a certain time, and that this sum would send so many Members into the House, at £5000 a man. This £5000 was the stated price of a borough. As soon as I ridiculed this idea and shewed that it was not practicable, it was given up, and an argument was then raised, that even to return Mr. Hunt for Preston an expence would be incurred, and that this was the object of the Union. I then wrote the passage you have quoted, and observed in addition, that if the Electors of Preston were not sufficiently convinced of the necessity of Reform to return two Members without expence or money being spent among them for that object, they could not return two independent Members by any monies coming from that Union, and we ought to wait their improvement. It was from this idea that I addressed them in the sentence you have quoted: "Electors of Preston, return Mr. Hunt and Mr. Cobbett to Parliament, if you can; but do not be disgraced with bribes for that purpose.' When you speak of seeking the means of warming and clothing them, to what can you allude but the giving them a price for their votes? I can infer nothing else from your language. It costs not the Electors of Preston any thing to return their Members to Parliament; they have merely to give their voices and to enrol their names in a book for that purpose: where, then, can you point out to me the necessity of a farthing expence that shall need to be expended in a honest manner? Come, Sir, this is the point whereon to settle the value or purity of your Northern Union. Tell us how the money is to be expended. Was ever a fund raised before for any undefined, unknown purpose? Your Northern Union has too much the appearance of the Minister's secret service money. You are all ashamed to say, even if you do know, to what purpose the money is to be applied. After a great deal of evasion and shuffle from one thing to another, it is now suggested, that a contested election may arise, and the Reformers' Candidate may want money to support his petition before a Committee of the House of

Commons! But this is a very unsatisfactory reason for raising a fund, and a very unsatisfactory way of applying it, too. Depend on it, Sir, that your Northern Union has a very corrupt foundation, and, like every other corrupt system, it must fall. It has no moral support whatever, and intended for no moral purpose. Its very founders are ashamed to speak out as to their object and its real purpose; it is, therefore, infamous to draw away, by any such palaver and delusion, the pence of the industrious man and the honest Reformer for any such purpose. I predict, from the very nature of this Northern Union, that it will end in disgusting many honest men, and in occasioning an almost irrecoverable division among the Reformers of the North who support it. The funds may reach £1000, or more, and you will then find it squandered away for some very insignificant purpose, and then adieu to the Great Northern Radical Union. I agree with you, that every Member of Parliament ought to be sent free of expence to himself, and I further agree with you, that he ought to be paid, and ought to take a price for his duties as every other servant does, and thus become responsible for his conduct: but I do not agree with you in thinking that this ought to be done by a penny subscription fund. Any partial cases of this kind will avail nothing. I think there is not a question but Mr. Hunt may get into Parliament as a Member for Preston at another election; I know it is the heighth of his ambition, and I really wish to see him there; but as to ability in performing the duties of a leader in the House of Commons, I think Mr. Cobbett is by a thousand degrees his superior; consequently, I think this latter gentleman ought to have the first free election, or, at least, be returned with Mr. Hunt.

You observe, that every thing I touch upon appears to be done with a bad spirit: I would rather that you had explained yourself upon this matter, because I fear not to meet any opponent upon this ground. I certainly have a very bad spirit towards every species of corruption, whether it be the Christian Union, or the Great Northern Union of Radical Christians; and to many other of the projects of your great men with little minds. I will do something either in a good or a bad spirit, just as you may happen to judge it, towards purifying them all a little.

You ask, "What possible good is to arise by his telling all men that Christians are only half Reformers?" I answer, the same good that arises when the truth is spoken on

any other, or on all occasions. Christian and a corruptminded man are synonymous terms. I have ascertained that the Christian Reformers of Leeds, to whom you allude, are a very corrupt body of men; and that their scheme is very much like that of the Great Northern Union. Their Priest, I understand, is both arrogaut and dishonest; and is finely swindling his dupes. I have the rules of their Church, or Society, now before me, and the first article says, "they ought to live for the glory of God;" if you, Mr. Butler, can tell me how the puny reptile, man, can live for the glory of God, or for the glory of the great whole of matter and its beautifully varied powers and motions, I have no such arrogance in me as you Christians seem to have. Their seventh article, after the sixth had prescribed a classification for enjoying the privileges of Christian fellowship, and promoting each other's spiritual interest, observes," The only condition previously required of those who desire admission into these classes, is a desire to flee from the wrath to come, and to be saved from their sins, and it is therefore expected of all who continue therein, that they should evidence their desire of salvation by a suitable conduct before their brethren and the world." Who would think, after subscribing to such an article as this, almost the first act of this association as a body, was an attempt to cheat the person who fitted up their chapel even of a very moderate charge, and he was actually compelled to recover the value of his labour and other expences at the York Assizes, when these gentry were so severely handled and so well depicted by Mr. Brougham. It was a pity these rules and regulations had not been furnished to Mr. Brougham with the plaintiff's brief. Some of his sarcastic remarks would have made them wish they had escaped his wrath and previously saved themselves by not sinning at

all.

The ninth article of this wonderful code begins as follows: "Every leader is expected to enter into his office under the idea that he is accountable to God for the souls entrusted to his care, and must therefore endeavour, by

What this "Christian fellowship and promotion of each other's spiritual interest" may mean, now-a-day, in this age of refined language, as Mr. Denman calls it, I cannot say, but in the primitive ages of Christianity this Christian fellowship and promotion of each other's spiritual interest meant a promiscuous union of the sexes; more particularly when they met for the purpose in their "Love Feasts," and put all their lights out, contenting themselves with a perfect equality and their spiritual lights.