to pay them. The first vote was for the effective services this year was 2,024,0647., number of men. In 1851-2 the number which, compared with the sum voted last of men, exclusive of Her Majesty's troops year, 2,052,6427., showed a decrease of in the East Indies, was 98,714. The 28,2151. Deducting this sum from 112,6427., number now proposed to be voted for the increase in the effective service, the 1852-3 was 101,937, being an increase of total increase in the Estimates for the pre3,223. He would not at the present time sent year amounted to 84,4277. This ingo into the causes of that increase, but he crease, as he had before stated, was chiefly would come to the second vote for the occasioned by the Kafir war, but for which charge for the land forces for that period. the Estimates for the present year would In 1851-2 the charge for the land forces not have exceeded those of last year, if, was 3,521,070. In the present year the indeed, they had not fallen below them. charge was 3,602,0677., making an in- It was due to his predecessor the right hon. crease of 80,9971. The third vote was for Member for Perth (Mr. F. Maule) to state, staff, which this year exceeded the pre- that the Estimates appeared to have been ceding year by 9,6751., this increase being framed with proper regard to the efficiency chiefly owing to the Kafir war. The sum of the service, and the well-being of the required for the next Vote, namely, for the country. It was the duty of the individual public departments for the present year, to whom the financial arrangements for the was 95,9571., being an increase of 3,210l. land forces were entrusted, to provide all as compared with the Vote of last year. that was necessary to maintain the Army The estimate for the Royal Military Col- in a state of efficiency. It had been his lege was 17,1417., being an excess of only lot to have the honour of serving Her Ma 2401. over the last year's estimate. In the jesty both at home and abroad, and he had Vote for the Royal Military Asylum there learnt by experience to distinguish between was a decrease of 480.; the estimate for well-considered and legitimate economy and the last year having been 18,0167., while a paltry and spurious economy, of the penny that of the present year was 17,5361. wise and pound foolish stamp, which ultiUnder the head of Volunteer Corps the mately entailed additional expense on the increase was 19,000l.; the sum required country. The men who protected the inthis year being 84,000l., while last year it terests and upheld the honour of the counwas only 65,000l. The total expenditure try in every quarter of the globe, were at for the effective service was 3,986,3081., least entitled to justice, if not gratitude. which, compared with the estimate of last As long as he should hold the office which year, namely, 3,873,6661., showed an in- he had now the honour to fill, he would encrease of 112,6421. He must now request deavour to avoid all unnecessary expendithe attention of the Committee to the Esti- ture; but at the same time he would earmates for the non-effective services, on nestly apply himself to relieve the wants and which there had been a decrease as com- satisfy the just claims of the soldier, being pared with the Estimates for 1851-2. The convinced that such a course would tend to rewards for military services for 1852 promote a feeling of contentment, and inamounted to 15,6431.; for 1851 they were crease the efficiency of the service. The 14,606.-increase, 1,0377. Army pay of total of the British Army, including the general officers, 1852, 61,000l.; 1851, troops in the service of the East India 52,000l.-increase, 9,000l. Full pay for Company, was 132,434, being an increase retired officers: 1852, 50,000l.; 1851, of 3,223 over the Estimate of last year, 52,500l.; decrease, 2,500l. Half-pay and which was chiefly caused by an increase of military allowances: 1852, 365,000l.; the force required for the Cape of Good 1851, 377,000.-decrease, 12,000l. Fo- Hope. The right hon. Gentleman conreign Half-pay: 1852, 36,916.; 1851, cluded by moving that the number of offi38,9931.-decrease, 2,0771. Widows' Pen- cers, non-commissioned officers, and rank sions: 1852, 119,3877.; 1851, 122,7177.- and file for the service of the United Kingdecrease, 3,3301. Compassionate Allow-dom (exclusive of the troops in the East ances: 1852, 83,000l.; 1851, 88,500l.- Indies) for the year from the 1st of April, decrease, 5,5007. 5,500l. In-pension: 1852, 1852, to the 31st of March, 1853, be 28,8157.; 1851, 35,4131.-decrease, 6,598. 101,937. Out-pension 1852, 1,226,8031.; 1851, 1,233,0501-decrease, 6,2471. Superannuation Allowances: 1852, 37,500l.; 1851, 37,5001. The total sum required for the non

MR. W. WILLIAMS said, that after the slight attention which had been given to the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War, he could expect but little attention for

the use of the musket to become an efficient body, were added, the total force in Great Britain and Ireland would be 150,638 men. Was not this a force sufficient to protect this island against all the world? We had, in addition, that branch of the public service to which we had always appealed with confidence for protection, the Navy; but unfortunately it was now considered as counting for nothing at all. He hoped soon to see it placed in a state of greater efficiency. The number of marines on board was 7,708; the number of sailors voted was 28,000, and 5,000 for the reserve, making together 40,708, which add

himself. The Government, in consequence | cavalry, 13,520; which added to the abové of their very recent accession to office, had made a total of 136,638. If the 14,000 adopted the Estimates of their predeces- police, who only wanted to be trained to sors; and this precluded him from making the objections he had made on former occasions. During many years he had voted, with his hon. Friend (Mr. Hume), for a considerable reduction in the military force; but the altered circumstances of foreign countries and foreign Governments had placed Her Majesty's Government in a different position; and it was accorded by the public opinion that the military force of this country should be placed on a more efficient footing. He should therefore not propose a reduction on this occasion; but he thought the Committee ought to be made acquainted with the further measures which the Government proposed. Some-ed to the military branch gave a total force thing had been said with regard to a militia force. The Committee ought to know the number of men proposed to be so embodied. It must be satisfactory to know that the late Government, with the best means of information, entertained no apprehension of any foreign aggression; for it happened that on the 1st of January last, the num ber of the forces embodied was 5,172 less than the number voted by that House. Unless some new light had broken out, he was at a loss to understand the reason of the proposed increase. Looking at the enormous amount of our military force, he thought any apprehension of invasion was groundless, and the idea of embodying a lot of young lads as a militia was perfectly absurd. At present the number of officers and men in the cavalry and infantry was 101,936, in the artillery 15,582, making, with 5,300 marines on shore, a total of 122,818. On the 1st of January 42,280 of these were in the colonies, leaving a force in the United Kingdom of 80,538 men. In addition there were 15,000 embodied pensioners enrolled and ready to be called out at a moment's notice. The Irish police consisted of 12,380 men, allowed to be one of the finest military bodies in Europe, as described by Colonel Brown, before Lord Devon's Commission. That officer said he would match them to beat any 12,000 soldiers in the world. Adding those to the cavalry, infantry, and artillery, we had a force of nearly 108,000 men. What foreign Government could land an army in this country to match that number of men? In addition, we had a volunteer force amounting to a very large number. There was the coast guard, 6,000; the dockyard battalions, 9,200; the yeomanry

of 191,146, for the defence of this country, to be voted and paid for out of the public money, with the exception of the police. He hoped the Government would not contemplate the necessity of adding to this force a militia of raw lads. The proposed rifle corps would be found infinitely more efficient. If Her Majesty issued her proclamation, calling on the people to form rifle corps, he doubted not it would be responded to by 1,000,000 of men. He regretted to see that a rebuff had been given by the Government to an application for sanction to a rifle corps. He doubted whether Napoleon himself could have sueceeded against such means of defence as we possessed; every hedge-row was capable of being made a means of attack. Without proposiug any reduction on the vote, he could not help observing that the number of general officers were no fewer than 353, being more than two to every regi ment, which was nothing but an iniquitous waste of the public money; it could only be wanted as the means of giving unjustifiable advancement. If the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War fulfilled the promise he had given, he would easily find the means of effecting great reductions, without at all impairing the efficiency of the force. On the present occasion he (Mr. W. Williams) would take a course which he had never done before, namely, that of allowing Government to have all the men they asked for the Army; and he trusted that every means would be used to make that Army efficient-that arms of an improved character would be placed in the hands of the men, so as to enable them to meet their foes on an equality.

MR. BERNAL OSBORNE said, he

would, under any other circumstances, | duct the government of the country. have apologised to the Committee for the Whatever odium, whatever blame might course he was now about to take, but he have rested on the late Government-and felt that the Committee and the country he was not one of their flatterers, for they were placed in such an unprecedented po- had great and manifold faults-they had sition that it would be most unusual if they at any rate this virtue, that they were were to pass the present Vote of money as open and aboveboard in the expression of a matter of course. Appreciating, as he their policy, and frankly told the House on did, the great industry of the hon. Member what principles they intended to govern for Lambeth (Mr. W. Williams), he must the country. Now, who were their sucsay, that on this occasion, when they had cessors? They were a party of Gentlemen no indication of the policy of the Govern- who had exclusively monopolised to themment, it was a little too much to expect selves the epithet of the "country party;" hon. Members to get up and merely ex- they were, as they repeatedly asserted, press their opinion of some particular parts" more English than the English themof the Army Estimates. He wished to selves," and yet directly they got into base what he had to say on a broader prin- power they assumed a sort of Italian mysciple, for he did not think, after the an- tification, and endeavoured to conceal the swer which had that night been given by cloven foot of protection under the smockthe right hon. Chancellor of the Exche- frock of official reserve. Was this their open quer to the noble Lord (Lord John Russell), honesty? Was it not rather what might that matters in that House were at all be called shuffling, and the very meanest more clear or satisfactory than they were course that a statesman could take? He on Friday night. He was one of those was of opinion that the proper time had who dissented from the course recently arrived when the right hon. Gentleman the taken by the noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) Chancellor of the Exchequer - he was when he threw up the Government of the sorry to observe he was not in his placecountry; and he dissented also from the or some other Gentleman connected with course which he had afterwards taken, for the Government, ought to rise in his place he thought it unbecoming in him to put and tell the House distinctly whether or the name of the Earl of Derby before the no the question of protection was to be Queen, when there were so many noble raised; not, perhaps, in the shape of a Lords in another place, and so many Gen- fixed duty, but whether any jugglery was tlemen in that House, who could have ob- going to take place to give what they had tained the support of the Liberal party, so often aked for, a compensation to the both there and throughout the country. landed interests. As a Member of a He, therefore, dissented from the noble Liberal constituency, he must say he found Lord's policy in placing the powerful but no fault with the elevation of the right dangerous party opposite on the benches hon. Gentleman the Member for Buckingwhich they now occupied. The day had hamshire to his present office of Chancellor gone by when this country was to be di- of the Exchequer, nor was he inclined to vided into two parties-either the Gentle-arraign Gentlemen opposite-to whom he men on those benches, or the Gentlemen on had no personal dislike whatever-for any these. He thought there was a third party, presumed want of talent or ability, or on not composed of the ultras on either side account of their being untried men. He of the House, and that, in order to pre- was of opinion that it required no great serve free trade and carry useful reforms, conjuror, after all, to be a Minister of a party could have been found that would State, and that if a man had ordinary have received the respect and confidence abilities, great attention to business, and of the country. They had, however, got some respectability of character, he was the Earl of Derby and the Gentlemen op- quite able to take charge of the two boxes posite in power, and, being in power, they that stood on the table of the House; and, declined to tell that House and the consti- even if he was a Chairman of Quarter Sestuencies of the country on what principle sions, if he had fixed principles, he was they intended to found their Government. as well fitted to be a Minister as any other He could not think, therefore, that the man. As a Member for a Liberal constipresent was an unfitting occasion, or that tuency he, for one, rejoiced at the elevathere was any assumption on his part, if tion of the right hon. Gentleman to the he endeavoured to worm from those right office of Chancellor of the Exchequer. He hon, and hon. Gentlemen what were the had had a hard card to play, but he had principles on which they intended to con-achieved his position without any aristo

can have on them the wholesome check of a constitutional Opposition. What have we got instead? We have a great Parliamentary "middleman." It is well known what a middleman is; he is a man who bamboozles one party and plunders the other, till having obtained a position to which he is not entitled, he cries out, Let us have no party questions, but fixity of tenure."" [3 Hansard, lxxix. 5.]

cratic connexion, and after some severe | upon which its policy is founded, and then you struggles, accompanied with great dislike on his own side, and great distrust on this ["Hear, hear!" and cries of "No, no!" from the Ministerial benches.] Why, the right hon. Gentleman had made the Protionist party what they now were; he had infused a spirit of life-of galvanic life, he admitted, into the dead body of protection, and had placed them where they now were, and those men would have been ungrateful indeed if they had not rewarded him. But he (Mr. B. Osborne) looked upon it as a tribute to the intellectual superiority of the age when he saw such a man the leader of the great aristocratic party of England, despite of them all; the man who had carried them into power, and made them what they now were, and he rejoiced therefore at his elevation. But, participating as he did in that feeling, he lamented that the right hon. Gentleman had not, in addition to his great ability, shown himself more open and candid as a Minister of the Crown. It could not be the want of audacity of talent, for the acerbity with which he followed the late Sir Robert Peel, and twitted him on various occasions, proved the reverse. He could not forget the opinions he expressed on those occasions; and, as it was not very long since some of those orations were delivered, he wondered all the more that the right hon. Gentleman did not now act upon them, and state more explicitly what the principles of his Government were. What was the language he used as to the necessity of a Minister of the Crown explaining clearly his policy scarcely more than five years ago? Before reading the words of the right hon. Gentleman, he must say that the system of the Gentlemen opposite struck at the root of all representative institutions. If they admitted people coming into power to preserve this silence, representative institutions were a farce; and so thought the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1845. Would the right hon. Gentleman allow him to refresh his memory, and would Gentlemen opposite listen for a few minutes to what they applauded so lustily when it was first spoken? The right hon. Gentleman, rising with his subject, as he always did, and never so successfully as when he was persecuting the late Sir Robert Peel, said

"If you are to have a popular Government; if you are to have a Parliamentary Administration, the conditions antecedent are, that you should have a Government which declares the principles

Now, what did the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer do? He now joined in the chorus which he deprecated in 1845: finding himself, by a shuffle of the cards, in power in 1852, he says, "For God's sake let's have no party question, but fixity of tenure." The right hon. Gentleman, he repeated, was bound to say on what principle the Government was to be conducted, and not to follow a course which he once thought destructive of all representative government. It was not conducive to the credit of publie men to see two or three Gentlemen who had Motions on the paper to reverse our commercial policy, and to assail the Board of National Education, get up on the Ministerial benches night after night, declaring that their convictions were unaltered, but that they intended to do nothing to bring them into practice. Such a course of conduct might be becoming in those who were for " fixity of tenure;" but for a Minister of the Crown it was in the last degree shuffling, if that term was Parliamentary, as he supposed it must be, from having so often heard it. What was more, the people of this country had a shrewd suspicion that the old-fashioned amusement of thimblerigging was about to be played by the country Gentlemen, with my Lord Derby as their confederate, and that the public were, as usual, to be gulled and plundered while the noble Lord and his confederates in the smock-frocks were playing the game. This state of things must come to an end. The Government were bound to speak out. He knew the reply would be, that this was a factious opposi tion. But he was not to be discouraged by the cry of "factious opposition," for he always found that whenever Gentlemen in office were contradicted or threatened on bringing forward their Estimates, they cried out that it was a factious opposition. He doubted if ever there was an occasion in history where Gentlemen came into power who had been so loud in their professions when in opposition, who had hunted an unfortunate Minister to death, and then, when they came into power refused to give any intimation of what their mea

sures were to be. He cared little about of his forces, that both parties were puzwhat the House thought, but he cared a zled by his procedure, for he had ranged great deal about what the people thought; his forces in such a manner that he was and he believed he would not stand at all prepared to join either party, as occasion the worse with his constituency for the offered. He thought the farmers should course which he had taken. And his alarm ask themselves whether the same proceedwas not all diminished when he saw the ing was not going to be practised by the Earl of Derby, who had been called the Earl of Derby of these days that was Prince Rupert of Parliamentary tactics, practised by his disloyal and treacherous assuming the character of Fabius Cuncta- ancestor in 1485; for such things were in tor; and while Gentlemen opposite had the blood, and would come out. Hon. been taking credit for having the winning Gentlemen were disposed to say very horse, the noble Lord had been acting upon little of the Earl of Derby now; but the maxim, Cunctando restituit rem. So were there any Gentlemen on the Minthat my Lord Derby had kept back, wait-isterial side of the House who advoing in the race, thinking no doubt that cated the doctrine of protection when in his cattle were rather short of speed, opposition, prepared to pin the Earl of though able to go through a great deal of Derby down to the protectionist declaradirt. The best horse for the Protectionist tion he made last year? If Government party was no doubt the waiting horse, but did not make a full declaration of its he hoped Gentlemen would not be gulled policy, it must be called a thimblerigging by this jockey trick. They asked for for- proceeding; and the term might, with bearance and a fair trial. But why show greater justice, be applied to this Governforbearance to a party whose principles ment than it was applied by the Earl they all knew, for the principles were as of Derby to that of Earl Grey-a Governold as the men were new in office. They ment which was open in its policy, and should decide not to vote any Estimates said what it intended to do. But of whom when they knew there was a Protectionist was the Cabinet constructed? They had party in power who would on the first op- a set of gentlemen who might be called portunity saddle them with a fixed duty, an amalgamated society of Chairmen of or make the public pay in some other shape Quarter Sessions leagued together to raise to the landlords of the country. Look at the price of bread. They consisted of the construction of the Ministry. There thirteen gentlemen, who, differing on other they were, hon. Gentlemen, who had all points, were agreed in this to raise the the real demure official look. They all price of the poor man's loaf. remembered how, in opposition, the Gen- their position if they were consistent. tlemen opposite spoke to the farmers, both He would say "if," for he had a suspicion in and out of the House, at the farmers' that they intended to throw the farmers club, on the hustings, at dinners, and in over. This was beginning to be noised Drury-lane. He remembered going to about; they were said to be coming to the Drury-lane incog., and hearing my Lord opinion that they might do without protecMalmesbury make a most furious Protec- tion; and then why should they not stand tionist speech, along with Chowlers and by the Earl of Derby, who was such an Jowlers, when everybody complimented him excellent man, and would give such sure for standing by the great principles of pro- protection to the Church of England? tection; and it was declared that unless those The right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor principles were carried into effect the Brit- of the Exchequer had always carried out ish lion would cease to exist, with all the one great principle-he had always said usual Drury-lane oratory. The farmers that the Government of this country should were beginning to be inclined towards free be based on the territorial principle, and trade, had they not been hounded on by hon. Gentlemen opposite cheered lustily. Protectionist orators, and were, he believed, They did not very well understand how beginning to see who were their true far it went; but now we had got a Cabinet friends. If they had read history at all, constituted on the territorial principle. they would call to mind the conduct of a There were in it thirteen gentlemen, who, certain Lord Stanley on another celebrated if not all possessed of great territorial posoccasion-Lord Stanley, who was so pro- sessions, represented exclusively agriculfuse in his expressions of attachment and tural constituencies. They were a baker's friendship to Richard III., but who, accor- dozen leagued together to put a tax upon ding to Hume, was so skilful in disposing bread. Then, if the Cabinet was made

VOL. CXIX. [THIRD SERIES.]

2 U

That was