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on folid grounds, from the prefent reprefentation faid to be the fenfe of the nation, as in the time of our forefathers. I am fatisfied, fir, the fentiments of the people cannot be justly known at this time from the refolutions of a Parliament, compofed as the prefent is, even though no undue influence was practifed after the return of the members to the House, even fuppofing for a moment the influence of all the baneful arts of corruption to be fufpended, which, for a moment, I believe, they have not been, under the prefent profligate adminiftration. Let us examine, fir, with exactness and candour, if the + reprefentation is fair and perfect, let us confider of what the efficient parts of this Houfe are compofed, and what proportion

The reprefentation must be complete. No state, a part of which only is reprefented in the legislature that governs it, is felf governed. Had Scotland no reprefentatives in the Parliament of Britain, it would not be free; nor would it be proper to call Britain free, though England, its other part, were adequately reprefented. The like is true, in general, of every country subject to a legiflature in which fome of its parts, or fome claffes of men in it, are reprefented, and others not.

Dr. Price's Additional Obfervations on Civil
L.baty, page 6.

proportion they bear on the large scale, to the body of the people of England, who are supposed to be reprefented.

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The fouthern part of this ifland, to which I now confine my ideas, confifts of about five millions of people, according to the most received calculation. I will ftate by what numbers the majority of this House is elected, and I fuppofe the largest number prefent of any recorded in our journals, which was in the famous year 1741. In that year the three largest divifions appear on our journals. The firft is that of the 21ft of January, when the numbers were 253 to 250; the second on the 28th of the fame month, 236 to 235; the third on the 9th of March, 244 to 242. In thefe divifions the members for Scotland are included; but I will ftate my calculations only for England, because it gives the argument more force. The divifion therefore, I adopt, is that of January 21. The number of members prefent on that day, were 503. Let me. however suppose the number of 254 to be the majority of members, who will ever be able to attend in their places. I ftate it high, from the accidents of ficknefs, fervice in foreign:

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parts, travelling and neceffary avocations. From the majority of electors only in the boroughs, which return members to this Houfe, it has been demonftrated that this number of 254 members is elected by no more than 5723 perfons, generally the inhabitants of Cornish, and other very infignificant boroughs, perhaps by not the most respectable part of the community, Is our Sovereign then to learn the fenfe of his whole people from these few perfons? Are these the men to give laws to this vaft empire, and to tax this wealthy nation? I do not mention all the tedious calculations, becaufe gentlemen may find them at length in the works of the incomparable Dr. Price, in Poftlethwaite, and in Burgh's Political difquifitions. Figures afford the cleareft demonftration, incapable of cavil or fophiftry. Since Burgh's calculations only one alteration has happened. I allude to the borough of Shoreham in Suffex. By the act of 1771, all the freeholders of forty fhillings per annum in the neighbouring rape or hundred of Bramber are admitted to vote for that borough ; but many of the old electors were disfranchised. It appears likewife, that 56 of our members are elected by only 364

perfons.

perfons. Lord chancellor Talbot fuppofed that the majority of this Houfe was elected by 50,0000 perfons, and he exclaimed against the injuftice of that idea. More accurate calculations than his Lordship's, and the unerring rules of political arithmetic, have fhewn the injustice to be vaftly beyond what his Lordship even fufpected.

When we confider, fir, that the moft im-" portant powers of this houfe, the levying taxes on, and enacting laws for, five millions of perfons, is thus ufurped and unconftitutionally exercised by the small number I have mentioned, it becomes our duty to restore to the people their clear rights, their original fhare in the legislature. The ancient representation of this kingdom we find was founded by our ancestors in juftice, wisdom, and equality. The present state of it would be continued by us in folly, obftinacy, and injustice."

This evil has been complained of by fome of the wifeft patriots our country has produced. I fhall beg leave to give that close reasoner, Mr. Locke's ideas in his own words. He fays, in the treatife on civil government, "Things not always changing "equally,

equally, and private intereft often keeping up "customs and privileges, when the reasons of "them are ceased, it often comes to pass, that "in governments, where part of the legislative "confifts of representatives chofen by the peo

ple, that in tract of time this representation "becomes very unequal and difproportionate to "the reafons it was at firft established upon. "To what grofs abfurdities, the following of 66 a cuftom, when reafon has left it, may lead, 66 we may be fatisfied, when we fee the bare -66 name of a town, of which there remains not "fo much as the ruins, where scarce so much

66

houfing as a fheep-cote, or more inhabitants ❝ than a fhepherd is to be found, fends as many "representatives to the grand affembly of law"makers, as a whole county, numerous in peo"ple, and powerful in riches. This ftrangers “stand amazed at, and every one must confefs "needs a remedy." After fo great an authority as that of Mr. Locke, I fhall not be treated on this occafion as a mere vifionary, and the propriety of the motion I fhall have the honour of fubmitting to the houfe, will. fcarcely be difputed. Even the members for fuch places as Old Sarum, and Gatton, who

I may

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