ambiguous indications, that, in passing from the pulpit to the professor's chair, their structure underwent little material change.

The form and materials of Dr. Dick's divinity lectures have suggested to us similar inferences as to the origin of many of his. And in the case of both, we think that this double use of their theological preparations admits of being very easily explained. Except during the two months of the year which the delivery of these lectures to the students of the Secession occupied, their time was fully engrossed by the multifarious duties of the pastoral office. From these the professorial months themselves brought only a partial exemption. Dr. Balmer's memoir tells us, that his mind was often harassed by the vexatious cares of looking out for suitable supplies for his pulpit at Berwick, at the very time that he was most burdened by his academical duties, and that few sessions of the Hall passed without repeated visits from him to the flock under his charge. Is it a wonder, then, if in such circumstances as these, Drs. Dick and Balmer, in preparing their academical prelections, did what they could, rather than what they would? Under the pressure of their multifarious and conflicting duties, their dressing up of pulpit discourses to serve as theological lectures, was a measure of necessity rather than of choice. We cannot, at the same time help thinking, that the existence of the necessity might have taught both a lesson which neither ever learnt-the great value and importance of ecclesiastical endowments. Can any one doubt that if Dr. Balmer, instead of occupying the perplexing position of pastor of a congregation during ten months of the year, and half pastor, half professor during the other two, had been able to devote his whole unbroken time and talents to the literature of his profession in an academical chair, he would have left behind him to his Church and country much more lasting and valuable memorials of himself than anything furnished by these lectures and discourses? There is another point of much greater importance on which our own doubts are just as few. It is, that when he and his brethren so fatally committed themselves to the Voluntary principle, and joined in a mad crusade against additional endowments to the Scottish Establishment, they sinned against themselves and their country as much as against the Church. If, instead of this, they had given the weight of their influence to the Church's demands, and opened up with its leading men friendly communications, with a view to such changes in its government as would have admitted of their return to its bosom, this happy consummation would ere now have been realised. And to-day, Presbyterian Scotland, instead of being distracted by the jealousies and contentions of three or four rival Presbyterian denominations, would have been substantially one communion; and thus able successfully to assert its claims to endowments, educational and religious, fit to meet the exigencies of the times, to improve its national literature of every description, and to advance all its interests, whether material, social, moral, or religious. What is the grand obstacle to all this? Human depravity as embodied in the spirit of party and of sect. What can effectually remove the ob

stacle? The spirit of Christ, without which "Evangelical Alliances" are mere ropes of sand.

"The Memoirs" and the "Conversations with Robert Hall," as well as the Lectures, occasionally allude to the Established Church of Scotland in a way which is far from complimentary to itself and its ministers. This we expected. For we have lived too long in the world not to know how difficult it is for a Seceder, whether of the old or the new stock, to appear either as author or editor, without striking a few notes on this favourite string. For Dr. Balmer we are willing to make large allowances. His mother was a Burgher, and his father an Antiburgher. He had thus a hereditary right to a double portion of the self-complacent pride and bigotted intolerance of the old Seceder. And where any portion of this virus dropped from the pen of Dr. Balmer, it would be too much to expect that his editor, Dr. John Brown, would be the man to extract it. That learned and reverend gentleman still feels the smart of the blows inflicted upon him on more than one memorable occasion by the brawny arms of a late sturdy champion of the Establishment-blows only a few degrees lighter than those which he has since received at the hands of the Mucklewraths of his own communion. Dr. Brown can be more courteous to his new allies, the ministers of the Free Church. Accordingly, while he gives a more bulky edition of the conversations with Hall than that by Dr. Gregory inserted in Hall's works, and takes special care to retain a piece of absurd gossip about Dr. M'Knight, the church commentator, which none but a very credulous and prejudiced sectary can believe, he suppresses one of the very best passages in these conversations-Hall's just and graphic description of Dr. Chalmers as a man of one idea. This is really "too bad ;" and though the thing is but a trifle, a mere straw in itself, it sufficiently indicates the direction of the current. The Church of Scotland, strong in a good cause, stout defenders, and, above all, the blessing of its Head, can witness with undisturbed equanimity far more formidable assaults. It can afford to do more; and separating as heretofore, with careful hand, the chaff from the wheat, generously acknowledge merit, even in its assailants, where it exists, and with forbearing charity close its eyes against their prejudices and infirmities. Charity itself, though it winks, is not blind; and, therefore, we have no hesitation in affirming, that much of the clamour against the Church maintained by the Scottish sectaries, and spread in every shape from the petty squib to the elaborate treatise over their various publications, is part of a system dictated fully as much by policy as by principle; and that those extravagant pretentions to superior piety, purity, and enlightenment, in which they so largely indulge, can in truth claim no higher nor disinterested an origin than the old cry of Demetrius and his fellow craftsmen: "Great is Diana of the Ephesians."

THE FREE CHURCH AND SLAVERY.

Most of our readers, in Scotland at least, are aware of the excitement which has been produced by the visit to this country of Messrs. Thompson,* Wright, Douglass, &c. the agents we believe of "the American Abolitionists." They have come here, it would appear, for the purpose of exposing the sin and inconsistency of the Free Church in having sent a deputation to the Slave States of America, in order to expound the principles of ecclesiastical freedom, and to receive in return the money wrung from wretched slaves. The Abolitionists have accordingly raised the war-cry of "Send back the Money." It has been shouted, night after night, amidst the cheers of assembled thousands; it has been transmitted in doggrel lines by itinerant ballad-singers through our towns and villages; it has been recorded in the newspaper columns by indignant editors; and chalked on vacant walls by the passing school-boy from the Tay to the Tweed. Many, we dare say, rejoice in this demonstration of public feeling; some from the temporary check which has been given to the claims of a church pre-eminently boastful of the purity of its communion, of the delicacy of its conscience, intolerably insolent and domineering over its opponents, and at all times ready to detect, magnify, and expose real or supposed faults in other Christian bodies:-others, because sincerely believing that the Free Church, in seeking any alliance with the Slave Churches; in sending, moreover, a deputation to beg their money, not only went farther to countenance slavery than any other communion in Britain has been even accused of doing, but from the peculiar circumstances of the case have helped to retard the abolition movement, and to strengthen the unholy position at present occupied by the churches in the Slave States: while there are not a few on-lookers like ourselves who gather useful lessons for all times from this little episode in the great drama of human life. One cannot but learn from it "that oft-repeated verity," the fickleness of popular applause, and the still more important lesson of how surely a church gets into a false position, and into manifold inconsistencies, when instead of moving outwards from the centre "truth," it starts from any other point, such as the love of sect, or the desire of obtaining at all hazards "the testimony of Christendom" to the grandeur of its views, or the soundness of its principles.

Hitherto the Church of Scotland has not been involved in this controversy. It is one with which we have practically nothing to do. We do not, therefore, at present mean to discuss the merits of the various questions at issue, or to give any opinion either upon the duty of Christians and Christian Churches in countries where slavery exists, or upon the duty of other churches towards those in such cir

The freedom of the city of Edinburgh has been presented to Mr. Thompson, by the Liberal Town Council. The "Witness" newspaper considers this as an intended "insult to the Free Church."

cumstances. This much, however, we feel bound in candour to say, that any man who fairly considers these questions in the abstract, or who endeavours, in accordance with the Word of God, to determine the duty of a Christian Church here towards those churches in America, must admit that there are involved in the whole controversy so many nice points of scriptural interpretation, and of Christian expediency, as to leave a very wide field for the exercise of Christian liberty. We cannot, therefore, join in any attack even upon our bitterest opponents, unless we ourselves perceive it to be one of truth and righteousness. On the other hand, we can quite understand how those who have originated, and who support this anti-slavery movement, may be actuated by the best motives, and be sincere in believing, that the Free Church, with its professed love of human liberty, and its alleged possession of Scotland's worth and Scotland's talents-has, in the eyes of Americans, tightened the manacles of the slave, and helped to put off the day of his emancipation, by having gone out of its way, to court the alliance of Churches, whom almost all other Evangelical bodies were rejecting; and so lessening the odium which should attach to all slaveholding communities. We do not say, that this view is right or wrong; but all must admit, that it is perfectly natural.

This controversy, like every other, has given birth to many pamphlets and many speeches. We have not heard any of the latter, some of the former are now before us; and from these, we shall, in the first place, give a few extracts which may interest and instruct our readers. We shall afterwards take the liberty of making a few remarks upon the consistency of the Free Church in her dealings towards ourselves, and those Churches in friendly alliance with us. We only say, in reference to the pamphlets published upon this subject, which have come under our notice, that we have not seen one which out and out defends the position which the Free Church has taken in this matter-and that three of them, though written by Free Churchmen, in the strongest language condemn, and regret, as altogether unscriptural, the course which their Church, in an evil hour, has adopted. But to our extracts. The first is a succinct account of American slavery, taken from an admirable tract published by the Messrs. Chambers, and quoted in the pamphlet of the Rev. Mr. M'Beth, Free Church Minister of Laurieston :

"From 10,000 to 16,000 slaves from Africa, are smuggled from Cuba, Texas, and other quarters, yearly; seven of the thirteen slavestates devote themselves professionally to the odious trade of the breeding of slaves for the market, namely, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, and the district of Columbia. In the Slave-breeding states, especially, compulsory unions of

negroes and negresses are made by their proprietors, and if such arrangements prove unsatisfactory, the parties are separated without any regard to decency or feeling. From 80,000 to 90,000 slaves are annually exported from the slave-producing to the slave-consuming states. The negroes live in a constant apprehension of being sold, and their families being taken from them. Sales of negroes by public

auction are very common. 'I was told confidently, and on excellent authority,' says Dr. Reed of London, who travelled in Kentucky and Virginia in 1834, that recently, at a meeting of planters in South Carolina, the question was seriously discussed, whether the slave is more profitable to the owner, if well fed, well clothed, and worked lightly, or if made the most of at once, and exhausted in some eight years. The decision was in favour of the last alternative.' Except in Louisiana, there is no law to prevent the master from working his slaves till they drop down dead; and the law of Louisiana is, that the slave should have, at least, two and a-half hours for rest out of twentyfour! As to food, thousands are pressed with the gnawings of cruel hunger during their whole lives. The food of the plantation slaves generally is mere refuse. Shoes are sometimes given, hats or bonnets never. Boys and girls, under twelve years of age, go entirely naked. In winter, the suffering from cold is extreme; and Negroes are frequently seen with their feet or toes frost-bitten. Young and old of both sexes herd together in a single apartment, in which there are neither chairs, tables, nor bedsteads. Many of the large plantations employ a physician; others think it cheaper to lose a few Negroes annually. The sick are generally unattended to during the hours of work. Old and used-up Negroes are often sent adrift altogether.

"They are under a government of torture. If a slave refuses to submit to the lash, he may legally be shot. In S. Carolina, if a slave be killed on a sudden heat of passion, or by undue correction,' the master is liable to a fine, or imprisonment for six months. A slave, if injured, cannot prosecute his master, or any one else, for damages. In Georgia, any justice of the peace may, at his discretion, break up any religious assembly of slaves, and may order each slave present to be corrected without trial, by receiving, on the bare back, twenty-five stripes with a whip, switch, or cow-skin.' In N. Carolina, the punishment for teaching a slave to read or write, or giving or selling him a bible, or any other book, is a fine of 200 dollars for a white person, or imprisonment, with whipping, for a Negro. The slaves are suspended by their wrists, with their toes just touching the ground; their ankles having been tied, a heavy log, or fence-rail, is thrust between their legs. In this situation, naked, they are flogged with a cow-hide (when dry and hard it resembles a drayman's whip) till their blood, and bits of mangled flesh, streams from their shoulders to the ground. Frequently the overseer stops in the midst of the flogging to rest his tired muscles. In such cases, the back of the slave presents to the onlooker one mass of clotted blood and mangled flesh. After these inflictions, spirits of turpentine, or a solution of salt, or cayenne pepper, or pulverized mustard, is rubbed into the bleeding wounds to aggravate and prolong the torment. Sometimes the slaves are buried to their chins in holes dug in the damp ground, just large enough for them to stand erect in, with their arms close by their sides. Walking sticks are broken over their heads, sometimes fracturing the skull, or causing permanent insanity, or even death. Limbs are broken, joints dislocated, faces bruised, eyes and teeth knocked out, lips mangled, cheeks