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within its province. Its aid to us can be at best only negative. All we can ask of it is, that it shall adopt no measures injurious to

In the hands of the present party we have no such measures to apprehend. The administration has shown itself well disposed towards the laborer; and as it knows that it must rely for its support mainly on our suffrages, we have no fears of its failing to do for us, all it can do constitutionally.

“ If we come into our own State, we still have nothing to hope from the whigs. We know the views of their candidate for Gov

He professes to be our friend; but he has proposed no method of befriending us, but the establishment of a high tariff to increase the profit of the capitalist, and a national bank to inflate still more the currency, to enhance the prices of whatever we must buy, and reduce our wages still lower. So far as our salvation is to be effected by the agency of Government, it must be done by the State Governments ; of course then we should take a greater interest in the constitution and administration of the State Governments than in those of the Federal Government. Are the views of the present democratic party in this State, such as should meet our approbation? In the abstract they are. But we cannot deny that we find not so much explicitness as to actual measures as we could wish. Were we asked what the party proposes to do in case it comes into power, we should be somewhat puzzled to answer. Some of its prominent members have occasionally leaned quite too far towards the aristocracy, and advanced doctrines which we do not entertain. Nevertheless, we find in the party much to approve. Their candidate for Governor, our present Chief Magistrate, has proved that his sympathies, up to a certain point, are with the workingmen. He has declared himself opposed to the present iniquitous banking system, which is much, although he may not have declared so fully his views concerning what should be adopted in its place. He has declared himself opposed to the favorite plan of the Stockjobbers, of loaning the credit of the State to corporations, and he has ably opposed the whole system of corporations, of which we have complained. He states it to be the duty of government to aim to introduce the greatest practicable equality among all the members of the community; he is in favor of universal suffrage, and contends that representation is a right of man and not of property. His Address to the Legislature at the last session was, in the main, unexceptionable, the most thoroughly democratic, in its spirit and tendency, of any Governor's Message, which has ever fallen under our notice; and we have reason to believe that it was generally satisfactory to the workingmen throughout the Union. A more unexceptionable candidate it would not be easy to select; and we have no reason to apprehend that in his hands the Government would be turned against us. So far as we know his views, they go in the right direction, although they may possibly fall short of our own. When the question comes up, as it now does, whether the workingmen shall vote for him or his whig competitor, it seems to us that no workingman can hesitate a moment to prefer Marcus Morton to John Davis.

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But, brethren, although we may give our votes to the administration party in the present crisis as the best we can do, we must not sink ourselves in that party and suffer its leaders to lead us whithersoever they please. We inust take our own stand, independent of both existing parties ; adopt our own principles ; propose our own measures; and support this or that party only so far as we have the surest pledges the nature of the case will admit, that by so doing we shall be doing something for the interests of labor. We must assume a position, as we may, from which we can make our own terms with the politicians of either party. Our interests have been neglected long enough; they must be neglected no longer. We can no longer consent to labor merely to elevate our masters. We must say to the whig party, and to the democratic party ; Here are our measures, here is what we demand; the party which will pledge itself honestly to our measures, and faithfully pursue them, shall have our suffrages; but no other party shall. We take our stand with our principles and measures; with them we will triumph, or bear defeat.

“ Brethren, in order to be able to assume this position, we must organize ourselves, and act in concert. The privileged classes have always prevailed against us, though we are the many and they the few, because they have combined their numbers and acted together. We must not disdain to follow their example, so far as to combine in our own defence. We would, therefore, recommend to our brethren throughout the Commonwealth and the Union, to organize themselves into associations, which, by mutual correspondence, may bring about a concert of action between all the workingien of the country. We would recommend that the workingmen in each town, or city, or village, should form themselves into an association for mutual improvement and protection. The association should have its Constitution, By-Laws, and Officers. Its officers may be more or fewer as each association may judge best; but one of them should be a Corresponding Secretary, through whom the assosiciation may correspond with sister associations. When the association has organized itself, let it draw up a declaration of Rights; and then let it meet once a week, if convenient, for the discussion of the principles and measures necessary to be adopted for securing to each individual member of the community at large, the full and practical enjoyment of his rights. In this way we shall be improving our minds, enlarging our knowledge, und preparing ourselves to act understandingly in defence of our rights and interests.

* In this way, too, we shall constitute ourselves a Power in the State, and a power which no party will dare offend. In this way we shall make ourselves strong enough to command that respect from politicians and statesmen, which we deserve, and to make them fear to postpone our just claims.

“No doubt the aristocracy will cry out against a proposal like the one we have suggested. No matter; they have combined for ages against us. Turn about is fair play. We will now combine in our own defence, and see which will triumph, a combination of MEN or a combination of WEALTH.

Brethren, we throw out these suggestions for your consideration. Our interests are the same; our sufferings are similar; and the means needed for our relief are identical. Let us then understand one another. Let us put our heads, our hearts, and our shoulders together. Let us become a band of brothers, sworn to stand by one another in good report and in evil, in life and in death,

With our interests are identified those of the race. The well-being of all the future generations of our countrymen is committed to us.

Let us then be true to ourselves, and in being true to ourselves, and to one another, we shall be true to our country, to our God, and to universal man."


Social Destiny of Man: Or Association and Reorganization of Industry. Our Evils are Social not Political ; Political Evils are results of the false Organization of Society. By ALBERT BRISBANE. Philadelphia. C. F. Stollmeyer, 1810, 12mo. pp. 480. - It was our intention to notice this work at length; but on examining it somewhat attentively, we find that it would require more time and space, than we can now command, to do anything like justice either to its author or to ourselves. We must therefore be content to give it for the present a mere passing notice, leaving a more extended review till such time as we may find ourselves more at leisure. The work is timely, and full of important principles and suggestions. It is a condensed summary of the scheme of M. C. Fourier for the reorganization of Industry, and cannot fail to be read with intense interest by all who are disposed to believe that the present system of industrial arrangement is susceptible of improvement. It is written in a calm, philanthropic, and yet earnest spirit, and does great credit both to the talents and the benevolence of its author.

We do not feel competent to give even the outlines of the scheme here proposed, and certainly not competent to sit in judgment on all its details. We may say, however, that the Author does not look for the melioration of the fate of the millions from mere political changes, that is, changes in the organization or administration of the State. The evils he sees lie deeper than forms of Government; they lie back of the state, and are so far from being effects of vicious forms of government, or mal-administrations, that they are themselves the cause of all that is faulty or vicious in either. They are not political evils, but social. In denying that they are political, he does not fall into the quite common mistake of considering them individual, and therefore capable of being removed by individual exertions alone. He distinguishes between politics and what we suppose we may term socialism. Politics relate solely to the State. But the State is not Society. The state is the government; in a monarchy it is the monarch ; in an aristocracy it is the privileged few; in a democracy, taking the etymology of the word for our authority, it is the common people, or simply the people, as distinguished from the nobility, Whatever relates to the organization of the state, the distribution of its powers, and the discharge of its functions, belongs to the department of politics. Society lies back of the state, and is its creator and sovereign. The state is the mere agent of society, and will always be what the will of society ordains. If society be right, if its institutions be founded in justice, the state will be just and beneficent; if society be wrong, founded on false principles, and sustained by unequal, and therefore unjust, institutions, it is in vain, that you seek to reform your government, or perfect its administration.

It follows from this, that the concern of the Reformer is not with politics, but with society; and his aim should be to reform the institutions on which society rests.

Now, aside from our social instincts, the basis of society is Industry, expressed in the institution of Property. The character of society will correspond to the distribution of property, and the distribution of property must correspond to the organization of industry, Consequently, in order to effect any given social reform, you must strike at the existing organization of industry. When this organization is in harmony with the laws of human nature and the material world, society will present to man free and full scope for the harmonious development of all his faculties, and enable him to attain to what thus far he has fruitlessly sought — happiness, individual and social.

Our present organization of industry is vicious in the extreme. It is carried on in solitude, at great wastefulness, without anything to render it attractive, cheering, enlivening. It is incoherent. Man does not act in harmony with man; there is no union, no concert, but competition, estrangement, antagonism, exhausting the strength of individuals without yielding them a supply for their wants. From this wretched, incoherent industry flow, as so many natural streains, all our evils.

These evils are vividly portrayed in the work before us, and the defects of the present industrial arrangements clearly and, so far as we are able to judge, correctly pointed out. But it leaves us not here. It proposes a remedy. This remedy is to be found in the substitution of associated industry, for individual, coherent for incoherent, and in rendering labor attractive, so that man will feel the same passion for it that sportsmen do for the pleasures of the chase. The main body of the work is taken up with details of the plan of association, and of the methods by which this passionate fondness for labor may be created. Into these details we cannot enter, but must refer our readers to the book itself. Setting aside the details, of which we are not prepared to judge, we have no hesitancy in expressing our entire sympathy with the fundamental principles of the work, especially since in demanding associated labor, it by no means sacrifices individual property. It recognises both individual property

and communal property, and seems to have hit upon very nearly the proper limits of each.

We are pleased to learn that some friends of Mr. Brisbane's views, have coinmenced in Buffalo, N. Y., a journal devoted to their defence, called the Phalant, and still inore pleased to hear that Mr. Brisbane himself either has started, or is about to start, a journal in the city of New-York, designed expressly to give the public information concerning his systens, and to urye its adoption. We assure him that we shall rejoice in his success, and cannot but augur good from the attempt, however it may terminate.

Woman and her Master. By Lady Morgan. Philadelphia. Cary and Hart. 2 Vols. 12mo. — These are two very sprightly volumes, and we have read them with pleasure. They contain much interesting matter, and manifest no little insight into the true significance of several dark passages in ancient history. They are characterized by a tone of commendable freedom and independence. Lady Morgan is rarely deterred froto seeing the truth or telling it, by fear of the bigoted or the superstitious. Her remarks on the contest in which Saul was engaged with the priests, and which terminated in his overthrow, and the accession to the crown by David, the son of Jesse, are worthy the attention of modern divines themselves.

Lady Morgan deserves no little credit for the able manner in which she has vindicated the moral and intellectual claims of her sex. She has undertaken, and thus far successfully prosecuted, a work which has long been needed, and which will not be without results. Her views are in general just, and her arguments weighty, if not always conclusive; but in one respect, in her zeal for the rights and dignity of woman, she seems to us to carry the matter a little too far. We cannot agree with her that woman has always proved herself man's superior, in all except mere brute force. We admit readily her equality, but we are as incapable of yielding her the supremacy as we should be of claiming it for ourselves. Woman should be satisfied with the frank admission of her equality, and not risk that by laying claim to superiority. We do not, however, like this drawing of comparisons where none are admissible. The two sexes are equal but different. In some qualities, moral and intellectual, man has the advantage; woman has the advantage in others. Neither alone possesses in their fulness all the moral and intellectual qualities of human nature. One is the complement of the other; and in order to obtain the full “ orbed” being, the two must be united. As to the superiority of the one, or the inferiority of the other, nothing need be said, except that one is not the other, and would gain or lose nothing by being the other.

As a general rule, spontaneity predominates in woman, reflection in man. In sudden inspirations woman is the superior; in what requires long watching, wearisome study, painful analysis, and calm reflection, man is superior. In regard to the virtues, woman unquestionably excels in some respects, and man in others; but that the balance upon the whole is unequal between them, we are not disposed to believe. In these days of fierce contention for woman's VOL. IV. NO. 1.


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