I see no reason for athetising it, as Breiter does. Manilius perhaps had in mind Theog. 110 ἄστρα τε λαμπετόωντα καὶ οὐρανὸς εὐρὺς ύπερθεν : 381 τοὺς δὲ μετ ̓ ἀστέρα τίκτεν Εωσφόρον Ἠριγένεια ἄστρα τε λαμπετόωντα τά τ ̓ οὐρανὸς ἐστεφάνωται—which are at any rate sufficient to refute Breiter when he says ' über omnia sidera sagt Hesiod nichts'. Hesiod does not, indeed, say much about omnia sidera, but Manilius as an astronomer naturally makes the most of what he does say. = 19 sqq. Not a very accurate synopsis of the Erga. Ceres (21) = Erga 388-95, 465 sqq., 597 sqq.; Bacchus (20) 570-3, 585 sqq., 596, 611-14 (some of these references I owe to J. Caesar 1. c.); sacrataque flumina nymphis, perhaps 737-41. In 22 we have perhaps a misinterpretation of Erga 781 purà d' év¤péþaσlaɩ åpíorn. Heyne compares, for 20-1, Prop. ii. 34. 77-8 tu canis Ascraei ueteris praecepta poetae, quo seges in campo, quo uiret uua iugo. Hug and Zimmermann add Ovid Am. i. 15. 11-12 uiuet et Ascraeus dum mustis uua tumebit, dum cadet incurua falce resecta Ceres. as 20. quod: a rare example from the Augustan age of the use of quod with subj. for acc. and inf. But the passages which Breiter cites in support of it, Man. iv. 250 and Verg. Aen. ix. 289 (where quod depends on linquo not on testis; Madvig Op. 290), are obviously not parallel. An ante-Augustan parallel would be Plaut. Asin. 52 scio iam filius quod amet meus. But the usage is mostly a late one: Ammianus Marc. xxii. 2. 1 addentesque quod cum uoce suprema successorem suae fecerit potestatis; ib. 6. 3 pollicitus quod... ueniat; Avianus Fab. i. I rustica deflentem paruum iurauerat olim, ni taceat, rabido quod foret esca lupo; Claud. Pros. iii. 223 nec credit quod bruma rosas innoxia seruet; idem Epist. ii. 37-40 non ego... promisi gregibus pascua plena meis; nec quod mille mihi lateant sub palmite colles nec quod nostra Ceres numerosa falce laboret. So i Cons. Stil. 18; iii Cons. Stil. 265; Laus Ser. 162-3. Many of the uses of quod which grammarians class with these examples are doubtful. In the more certain examples quod with the subj. seems to be put for the more normal accusative and infinitive (after verbs of knowing, teaching, believing, &c.), where what is involved is the acceptance of a point of view (a theory, a doctrine) rather than of a fact. Verg. G. ii. 112-13 apertos Bacchus amat colles. 21. Pallas: 'how vines in hills delight: how both with vast increase the olive fills,' Creech; who must clearly, therefore, have anticipated Bentley's Pallas for MSS. Bacchus. The emendation is certain. Yet 'reponendum auctoritate codicum omnium quod Bacchus utrumque', says the incorrigible Stoeber. Stoeber affirms (1) that the olive is never called Pallas by Roman poets; Pingré cites Verg. Aen. vii. 154 ramis uelatos Palladis omnis (hardly decisive) and Ovid Tr. iv. 5. 4 ut uigil infusa Pallade flamma solet; (2) that the olive non amat campos: Pingré refers us to Lucr. v. 1373-5 olearum caerula distinguens inter plaga currere posset per tumulos et conualles camposque profusa. 22. uagis... adultera pomis, ignobly mingled with now this fruit, now that'; i. e. that bore, through grafting, strange fruits. uagis: uariis, Du Fay; 'diverses espèces', Pingré; rather indeterminate', 'uncertain'. uaga autem dicuntur poma uelut uaga uenere prognata modo ex pirorum modo ex malorum et aliorum fructuum surculis ortum ducentia' (Hug, p. 13). Bullialdus quotes Pliny N. H. xvii. 1 arborum quoque adulteria excogitata sunt. Why he himself conjectures essent quod adulta racemis I do not understand. 23. Verg. Aen. vii. 137-8 nymphasque et adhuc ignota precatur flumina; Ecl. v. 21 flumina nymphis (at end of line); Ovid Met. ii. 16 fluminaque et nymphas et caetera numina ruris. But cf. ib. i. 192 sunt rustica numina nymphae. 24. pacis opus: Calp. Ecl. i. 65 (of Numa) pacis opus docuit. In a different application the phrase recurs in Maximianus v. 2 (the business of arranging a treaty between East and West). 25. quidam: ut Aratus, Bonincontrius; Eratosthenem tangit, Scaliger. In thus attacking the popular astronomy (the legends of which he elsewhere (e. g. v. 538 sqq.) himself employs to good purpose), Manilius has a double object. He wishes (1) to emphasize the completely new character, the entire originality, of his own theme: he is primus... nouis Helicona mouere cantibus (4-5); (2) to lay stress on the genuinely scientific character of astrology. Astrology, under the patronage of the Stoic philosophy, was just rising to a place among the sciences, and as this place was scarcely yet assured to it, the astrologers were anxious to assert their independence of whatever was either merely popular or at all fantastic. They are mathematici studying in numbers and their laws human fate. See Introduction, p. lxv sqq. 26. Cf. Verg. Aen. iii. 515 sidera... tacito labentia caelo; Ovid Fast. iii. 113 caelo labentia signa. 27. Referred each to its proper class and causes': i. e. classed them all and explained the causes of their becoming constellations. These causes are given in the ablatives that follow-poena (28), raptu (29), officio. lacte (30), &c., each of these ablatives being dependent grammatically on ductam in 31. It is, however, possible that these ablatives are governed by pendentia in 35 ; for pendere with abl. without preposition see on 947. For the causae and genera of the constellations as they are variously given in the poets and mythographers see the laborious notes of Joh. Moeller, Stud. Manil. init. causasque: as Ovid Fast. v. 697 dic, ego respondi, causam mihi sideris huius: causam facundo reddidit ore deus. Andromedan: this form (a false Graecism: see on 365) seems to be upon the whole the best attested: cf. v. 23, 545; and is apparently preferred by Ovid (Met. iv. 671, 756). For the form Andromeden given here by Bentley, whom most edd. follow, I can find no justification. Andromedan is given by all MSS. at i. 356, v. 545. 29. solantemque: so Ven. rightly against the other MSS. Breiter and others retain soluentemque either as (1) soluentem uinctam uirginem, or (2) poenas soluentem-so at least Breiter. But (1) is historically false; Perseus, not Cepheus, soluit Andromedan, (2) is not Latin. Hyginus ii. 9-11. raptuque: Bentley's necessary correction of raptamque; raptu falls into line with the other abll. poena, officio, pietate, &c. Lyc. natam: Callisto Ursa Maior; Hyginus ii. 1, p. 31. I; ii. 4, p. 34. 22. = 30. officio Iouis: quod olim Iouis nutrix erat (as also Callisto); Hyginus ii. 1, p. 30. 4-31. 3 (Bunte). Cynosura = Ursa Minor; Hyginus ii. 2, p. 31. 23 sqq.; Fab. 224 (Bunte). lacte Capellam: i. 366 nobilis et mundi nutrito rege Capella; Hyginus ii. 13 (Ovid, Manilius, and Pliny alone, according to Moeller, use the name Capella for Capra or Olenie). 31. furto: quia formam oloris indutus Iuppiter Ledam amabat, Hyginus ii. 8, p. 45. 11-13 (Bunte). = where pietate: because Erigone = Virgo Iustitia see iv. 337, read qua custodito (fastidito MSS.) concessa est iure potiri (cf. Germ. Arat. 134), Hyginus ii. 4. 25; Fab. 130, 224 (Bunte). 32. Nepam: the Scorpion; ictu: because he slew Orion; Hyginus ii. 34, p. 37. 7 (Bunte). spolio: quod ab Hercule spoliatus est, Hyginus ii. 24, p. 66. 21-3 (Bunte). 33. morsu: the bite inflicted on the foot of Heracles when he was slaying the Hydra; Hyginus ii. 23. Cythereide uersa: see iv. 800-1; Hyginus ii. 30. The connexion with the Euphrates seems to point to a Chaldean origin for this myth. 34. ducentem sidera: as i. 262 princeps Aries. uicto... ponto: see iv. 747 sqq., v. 30; alibi, Hyginus ii. 20. 39. ritus pastorum: so Bentley for ritus pecorum or pecorum ritus of the MSS., cf. Sil. Ital. vii. 27-8 ritusque ducis. pecorum ritus (1) has rather the appearance of a mere attempt to emend ritus pecorum; and (2) it should, as Bentley says, naturally mean uitam et uictum pecudum; so Claudian vi Cons. Hon. 153-4 iura perosus ad priscos pecudum damnaret saecula ritus; Prud. Symm. i. 80 pecudes inter ritusque ferinos (cited by Bentley). 39-40. sonantem in calamos: Ovid Met. xi. 161 calamis agrestibus insonat; and probably Man.'s phrase is merely a variety for insonare calamis (dat.). Such an expression as i. 341 micantis in radios is hardly parallel, and should rather be compared with Verg. Georg. iii. 232; Aen. xii. 104 irasci in cornua; Stat. Theb. moriuntur in iras. Sicula tellure creatus: Theocritus. The appropriateness of the selection of Theocritus in this place is not obvious. Homer is mentioned as the father of all poetry; but all the other references- save this to Theocritus-are to didactic poets. Theocritus is perhaps used merely to illustrate the fact that poetry can adapt itself to any kind of theme, however prosaic (siluestre) or difficult. Creech's rendering is worth quoting: The sweet Theocritus with softest strains Thro' his smooth reed no rustic numbers move, As if the Muses sate in every vale, Inspired the song and told the melting tale. nec siluis siluestre: for siluestre in a disparaging sense cp. Calp. Ecl. iv. 12-13 siluestre licet uideatur acutis auribus; for the repetition ib. ix. 8 pueris iam non puerilia. 41. motus: as Verg. Georg. i. 350 det motus incompositos; Hor. Od. iii. 6. 21. 42. arua: auras MSS.; so aruis and auris are confused at Avien. Arat. 38. 43-5. alius... ille... hic. The reference is said by Scaliger and editors generally to be to such poets as Gratius Faliscus (43) and Aemilius Macer (44-5). For Gratius see Ovid Pont. iv. 16. 34. Macer is mentioned by Ovid at Trist. iv. 10. 43-4 saepe suas uolucres legit mihi grandior aeuo, quaeque nocet serpens, quae uiret herba, Macer (Macer's Theriaca and Ornithogonia). Similarly the author of the Preface to the second book of Cato's Disticha: quodsi mage nosse laboras herbarum uires, Macer haec tibi carmina dicit (3-4). The lines in Codex Turicensis 78 cited by Baehrens, Pref. to Sammonicus, P.L.M. iii. 103-4, perhaps contain a reference to Macer (1-4, 11-12), and his poems were probably still extant in the time of Charlemagne.. Manilius possibly refers here also to Valgius; cf. Pliny N. H. xxv. 2; Quint. x. 1. 56. Bonincontrius and Huet, however, are perhaps right in supposing that Manilius is speaking rather of the Greek models of these poets, e. g. Nicander-(43 Theriaca, 44 Ophiaca: for Ophiaca see Schneider, pp. 37-42, who collects the fragments) whom Quint. 7. c. mentions as the model of Macer and Valgius (Vergilius codd.). 46-8. Who the necromantic poets here referred to are it is impossible to say. The only Latin work upon necromancy known to us before Manilius' time is that of Appius Claudius-no doubt a prose workapparently dedicated to Cicero: see ad Fam. iii. 4. 1; cf. Tusc. Disp. i. 16. 37; de Div. i. 58. 132. The references, however, in Verg. Ecl. viii. 95-100 alibi to the necromantic practices of Moeris are perhaps to be interpreted as referring to the necromantic poetry of some poet of the day. The Vergilian Moeris occurs in connexion with Pontus; and the part which herbae, in this eclogue and elsewhere, play in necromancy makes it possible that the reference is to Aemilius Macer. The other Macer, the friend of Ovid to whom Pontica ii. 10 is addressed, is connected with Pontus, and the two poets may have been related (a suggestion which I find is already made by Scaliger Thesaurus p. 171 (1658)). The strong attraction which necromancy had for the Romans under the early Empire is very clearly reflected in the poetical literature of the period. See e. g. Tibull. i. 2. 45; Verg. Aen. iv. 490; Ecl. viii; Hor. Sat. i. 8. 29; Epod. v. 29 sqq.; Ovid Met. vii. 192 sqq.; Aetna 75; Lucan vi. 733; Sil. It. viii. 98 sqq.; Val. Fl. i. 730 sqq.; Seneca Epigr. 16 (Baehr P. L. M. iv. 60); and the Thebaid of Statius and the plays of Seneca passim (as, Theb. iv. 418-645 ; Sen. O. T. 547). Appius not only wrote upon, but himself practised, necromancy-uti solebat (Cic. Div. i. 58. 132). Vatinius practised it with various magical adjuncts: Cic. in Vat. vi. 14 cum inaudita ac nefaria sacra susceperis, cum inferorum animas elicere, cum puerorum extis deos manis mactare soleas. A certain Junius (in connexion with the conspiracy of Libo Drusus) is mentioned by Tacitus (Ann. ii. 28. 3) as temptatus ut infernas umbras carminibus eliceret. Necromancy is probably to be understood among the infidas artes mentioned at 109-10-quarum est permissa facultas; and while speaking of necromancy among the Romans, I will, for convenience, say here what I have to say of that passage. Bentley's correction quarum haut permissa facultas is demonstrably wrong. Facultas non permissa sed legibus uetita est, he says dogmatically. But if I ask quibus legibus? neither Bentley nor any one else will name me any law at all directed against necromancy as such. The locus classicus upon the subject is Codex Theodosianus ix. 6 with the Commentary of Gothofredus, Leipsic, 1738, iii, pp. 131 sqq.; cp. ix. 17. 1, 38. 3; xvi. 11. 12; Cod. Justin. ix. 18; Novell. Valentin. iii. 23 (Mommsen and Meyer).1 The Roman state interfered with magical practices in general only when owing to them either the state itself or its religion seemed in danger, or when the person or property of individual citizens was attacked. Thus in 97 B. C. a Senatus consultum dealt with human sacrifice-a frequent accompaniment of necromancy, as may be seen from Cic. in Vat. and Hor. Epod. noticed above; to which add, from a later period, the reference in Justin Apol. i. 18 to éπónтevois by means of 'pure' children, and in I owe these references to the kindness of Professor Paul Vinogradoff. Eusebius' account of Valerian (H. E. 480= 331-2) the similar mention of the murder of boys. But of necromancy, as such, there was a permissa facultas down to Christian times. The laws of maiestas and the Lex Cornelia de Sicariis were, under the Emperors, extended in such a way that they applied to certain offences arising out of necromancy. But the art, or science, was not in itself a crime. It was, in fact, precisely on a footing with astrology.' Firmicus (ii. 30. 4) warns the astrologer not to inquire de statu reipublicae uel de uita imperatoris, and the necromancer in an earlier period had to observe the same circumspection (cf. Ammian. Marc. xxix. init., though here of Magic only). Both were diviners; but so long as they divined nothing which was injurious to the state, or its chief, or which threatened the life or fortunes of individuals, the law (the senatus consulta) touched neither of them. Under the Christian emperors interference went further. Yet Christianity and necromancy were not originally thus antagonistic. Justin (Apol. i. 18, noticed above) argues from the pagan belief in necromancy to the Christian doctrine of immortality; and in Dial. Tryph. 105 he recalls the Witch of Endor to like purpose. (In contrast cf. Tertullian De Anima 57; Apologet. 23 init.). In Firmicus i. 2. 11 necromancy is classed with sacrilege, murder, incest, paederasty:-illum quiescentium securas animas et iam Lethaei fluminis obliuione purgatas Mercurius cogit nefariis carminibus excitare; but the astrologer is not responsible for the necromant. Among non-Christian sources for necromancy in the ancient world the most important are pseudo-Quintilian Declamatio xi—of uncertain date-and Apuleius de Magea. 43. Bentley's saecla for bella is perhaps right. 44-5. uenenatos anguis: Verg. Aen. vii. 753 sqq. uipereo generi et grauiter spirantibus hydris spargere qui somnos cantuque manuque solebat mulcebatque iras et morsus arte leuabat. +nata per+ herbas: perhaps damna per herbas; damna is used in the poets for almost any injury, in particular disease or plague, e. g. Ovid Pont. i. 10. 29. damna written data (as iv. 20 damno for dato codd.) may have been corrected metri gratia to the nata of our MSS. nata is obviously corrupt. The old way of construing it, 'the death and life born of plants bearing death and life in their roots' (fata uitamque arò kovov with nata and ferentis) is altogether intolerable. If the words, as they stand, have any construction, it must be refert ea quae nascuntur per herbas quae fata uitamque sua radice ferunt (Seneca Phoen. 149 herbas quae ferunt letum auferes?). Bentley's gramina et herbas is palaeographically poor. Breiter's prata per herbas, palaeographically better, stands condemned, as Breiter must know, by 53. 46. Tartaron atra: Tartara natra (nacta) codd. For a similar confusion arising from the Greek acc. cf. Culex 270 Cerbera nunquam most codd. for Cerberon unquam; Germ. 385 Gargaro nauti deus for Gargaron aut Ide. 46-8. Cf. i. 93-4. 47. reuoluunt: cf. Aetna 75 (Scaliger). 1 Cf. Prudentius Symmach. ii. 894 inuoluit mathesi, magicas impellit in artes. Similarly Hermes, the inventor of Astrology, is the father of Magic; id. Symm. i. 84 sqq. 2 Where, perhaps, eliciunt for edunt: pueros elidunt is sound enough, and the reference is as in Justin Apol. i. 18; Euseb. loc. cit.; Hor. Epod. above. |