XII. CHAPTER of the Republican party, and a natural horror of any intimate connection with her, such as was almost sure 1798. to result from a war with France; the mistaken idea, very much cherished among the opposition, that, after all, it was the British manufacturers who were the main sufferers by the French depredations, joined, it is prob able, to a little envy on the part of the Southern members, who composed the bulk of the opposition, at the rapid accumulation of commercial wealth at the Norththese motives are quite enough to account for their conduct; especially when we add the well known obstinacy of party spirit, which did not readily admit of retraction by those so deeply pledged to the side of France, as well by their passions as by their political interests. This antipathy to Great Britain, the main foundation upon which the one party stood, was by no means without its influence on the feelings and conduct of the other. The idea of an intimate alliance with Great Brit ain, though it began to be favorably entertained by a small portion of the Federalists, was yet exceedingly distasteful to the great mass of the party, and received but little encouragement from those members of it who saw Great Britain from the nearest point of view. King, minister at the court of London, doubted the stability, and disliked the spirit of the British government. "Be assured," wrote John Trumbull, late secretary to Jay, and now umpire of the commission on British spoliations, "there exists in this country no cordial esteem for ours. There are those in whose bosoms still rankle the memory of former disappointments-men still in power, who detest the principles of our Revolution, and lament its success; who look upon that event as the great cause of the present dissolution of the ancient systems of Europe, and who rejoice to see us in a quarrel with those whom. XII. they regard as the only supporters we had, looking, per- CHAPTER haps, to the happy day when the two sister republics shall sting each other to death." The opposition professed to hope great things from Gerry's remaining at Paris. Indeed, they had private dispatches of their own. Barlow, in a confidential let ter to his brother-in-law Baldwin, filled with abuse of Washington, Adams, Gouverneur Morris, and the late envoys, including even Gerry himself, who was spoken of in terms by no means respectful, had yet held out the hope that Gerry alone, without the others, by not standing on etiquette, and by consenting to pay a round sum of money, might be able to appease the terrible republic. The Federalists, on the other hand, saw in Gerry's remaining in Paris only new proof of the dangerous arts of French diplomacy; and the minister who had thus been influenced to separate himself from his colleagues was denounced, in no measured terms, as little short of a traitor. 1798. The president's message was immediately followed up by the passage of an act authorizing merchant vessels June 25. until such time as the conformity of the French to the law of nations should be announced by instructions issued by the president-to defend themselves by force against any search, seizure, or restraint on the part of any vessel under French colors; and to subdue and capture, as good prize, any vessel attempting such search or seizure; and to retake any vessel seized by the French, with benefit of salvage. A subscription having been opened in the principal towns toward building or purchasing additional ships of war, the president was authorized to accept such vessels, June 30. and to issue six per cent. stock to indemnify the subscribers. Stock was subsequently issued under this act XII. CHAPTER to the amount of $711,700. Even in the infant city of Cincinnati, a sum was subscribed toward equipping a 1798. galley for the defense of the Mississippi River. July 6. July 8. July 16. Another act soon followed, declaring the French treaties void, those treaties, as the preamble set forth, having been "repeatedly violated on the part of the French government, and the just claims of the United States for reparation of the injuries so committed having been refused, and their attempts to negotiate an amicable adjustment of all complaints between the two nations repelled with indignity." Two days after, the president was authorized to give instructions to the commanders of the public armed vessels, and to grant commissions to private armed vessels, to capture any French armed vessels any where met with; but these instructions were not to extend to the capture of unarmed merchant ships, of which, indeed, there were but very few afloat under the French flag. The three frigates, the Constitution, the United States, and the Constellation, so long fitting out, were now at length equipped and ready for sea. One or two sloops of war of the additional armament, with several armed cutters, had already sailed for the protection of American commerce against French privateers hovering on the coast. A further sum of $600,000 was appropriated toward equipping three new frigates, as a part of the additional naval armament, which, by another act, had been increased from twelve to twenty-four vessels, to include six frigates, twelve sloops of war, and six smaller vessels. The enlistment of a marine corps of about nine hundred men, officers included, was also authorized. The place of Secretary of the Navy, declined by George Cabot, was given to Benjamin Stoddard, of Maryland. XII. The officers for the infant navy had been selected from CHAPTER the merchant service. Among those already appointed, and afterward greatly distinguished, were Charles Stew- 1798. art, Isaac Hull, John Rogers, William Bainbridge, and the younger Decatur. To the elder Decatur had been. given the command of the sloop of war Delaware, and having put to sea, he soon returned with the first prize captured from the French, a privateer mounting twenty guns, which just before had been plundering an American vessel. While these preparations were made for defense on the sea, further precautions were deemed necessary against the danger of a French invasion and a slave insurrection. The president was authorized to appoint and commission June 22. forthwith such officers of the provisional army as he might deem necessary; also field officers to organize, train, and discipline such volunteer corps as might offer their services under the provisional army act; but no officers were to be entitled to pay till actually employed. An appropriation was made of $400,000 for the pur- July 6. chase of thirty thousand stand of arms, to be deposited at suitable points, and sold to the state governments for the use of the militia, or to the militia-men themselves. By another act, the regiments of the existing regular July 10. army, two of artillery (including the additional one authorized at the present session), and four of infantry, were augmented to seven hundred men each; and the president was further authorized to enlist twelve additional regiments of infantry, with six troops of dragoons, to serve, unless sooner discharged, during the existing difficulties with France. This would raise the regular army to about thirteen thousand men, to be commanded by two major generals, an inspector general with the rank of major general, and four brigadier generals. CHAPTER These preparations for defense would require large sums of money. In a statement made by the Secretary 1798. of the Treasury to the Committee of Ways and Means, the ordinary annual expenses of the government, including interest on the debt, were estimated at seven millions of dollars, and the accruing revenue, after an allowance for a falling off in consequence of French depredations, at eight millions. But half this surplus would be required to meet a loan of $100,000 to the commissioners of the Federal city, granted early in the session, and two temporary loans about to fall due to the United States Bank. The present emergency seemed to justify a direct tax, a method of raising revenue always strongly insisted upon by the opposition; and the House resolved July 1. thus to raise two millions of dollars. The act, as finally passed, after much discussion as to the details, directed that the amount, in certain specified proportions, should be levied on slaves between the ages of twelve and fifty, to be taxed half a dollar each, and on dwelling-houses, arranged in nine classes, the ratio of taxation increasing with the value from one fifth of one per cent. on those not exceeding $500 in value, to one per cent. on those valued at upward of $30,000; so much of the proportion of any state as might not be satisfied by these two taxes to be levied on lands. The necessary valuations were to be made by commissioners, the states being divided for that purpose into convenient districts; and the amount was to be collected by the existing collectors of internal The president was authorized to anticipate the receipts from this tax by borrowing two millions on the credit of it, at a rate of interest not exceeding six per cent.; and as still more money might be needed, he was further authorized to borrow five millions more, on the best terms he could, the right of repayment not to be postponed for a longer term than fifteen years. revenue. |