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29. Donatus's Version of the Terence Didascaliae, by Dr. John C. Watson, of Cornell University.

This paper is published in full in the TRANSACTIONS.

30. The Oxyrhynchus Epitome of Livy and Reinhold's Lost Chronicon, by Professor Henry A. Sanders, of the University of Michigan.

This paper also appears in the TRANSACTIONS.

Professor Hempl presented the report of the Joint Committee representing the National Educational Association, the American Philological Association, and the Modern Language Association of America.

Voted, that the Association sanction the alphabet proposed by the Joint Committee, and recommend its use to the makers of dictionaries; also that the report of the Committee be printed in the PROCEEDINGS.

31. The Meaning of Aeschylus, Prometheus 435, by Professor J. E. Harry, of the University of Cincinnati (read by title).

The interpretation that naturally suggests itself to the reader, is the one given by Wecklein : στένουσιν ἄλγος οἰκτρόν = στένουσιν ἀλγεινὸν στόνον, στένουσιν ἀλγοῦσαι. But στένειν is always used either absolutely or with a direct object. Cf. 397, 409 f., 432, while στένω ἄλγος in the sense of στένω στόνον has no parallel in Greek literature. But examples in the sense of στένουσιν αὐτὸν τοῦ ἄλγους can be cited from both Sophocles and Euripides: Medea 996 μeтaσтévoμai dè σὸν ἄλγος, Soph. Phil. 339 f. οἶμαι μὲν ἀρκεῖν σοί γε καὶ τά σ', ὦ τάλας, | ἀλγήμαθ', ὥστε μὴ τὰ τῶν πέλας στένειν. Cf. Aesch. Eum. 58 f. μeтаoтÉVELY TÓVOV (the very substantive used so frequently throughout the Prometheus to designate the Titan's ἄλγος οικτρόν) and Lucian, Poseidon and Nereid 1 οἴκτιστα ὑπὸ τῆς μητρυιᾶς πεπονθυίαν with Aesch. Prom. 238 πάσχειν μὲν ἀλγειναῖσιν, οἰκτραῖσιν d' ideîv (πnμovaîo). For other examples of this use of aλyos cf. Soph. Phil. 734, Ai. 259, 1397, El. 1176, Eur. Ion 798, Phoen. 371. In Plato's Laws (727 C) we find a collateral form associated with πόνοι and λύπαι (ἀλγηδόνας). From the first sentence in the Iliad down to the passage in the Frogs (221), where Dionysus complains that he is getting sore from zealous rowing (ἀλγεῖν ἄρχομαι τὸν ὄρρον), the physical signification of aλyos is never lost sight of. The actual bodily pain (dolor) is expressed by aλyos as well as the mental anguish (maeror) : M 305, Eur. Med. 486, Androm. 304. Cf. Dem. 54. II.

The word ayos is frequently combined with ovμpopá and its synonyms; e.g. Eur. Οr. 18o f. ὑπὸ γὰρ ἄλγεων ὑπό τε συμφορᾶς | διοιχόμεθα), Androm. 980 ἤλγουν μὲν ἤλγουν, συμφορὰς δ' ἠνειχόμην. The word ἄλγος is a species of the genus ovμpopá (cf. Prom. 974), and both, with their synonyms, are favorite objects of σTévw. Cf. Eur. Tro. 578, Phoen. 378, Hec. 589, Hel. 463, El. 505, H. F. 1141; Soph. El. 140, 788 f.; Aesch. Prom. 98, Pers. 471, Suppl. 18, Cho. 931. The cog

nate accusative and the absolute constructions are also frequent. If the dative had been employed in the Aeschylean passage, the meaning would have been unmistakable, but that would have produced hiatus. Cf. Eur. Alc. 199, 652. In Hel. 186 we find a dative of manner (aláyμaoi σrévovσa). The ode under discussion begins with στένω σε οὐλομένας τύχας (which is a constantly recurring thought in the song) and ends with στένουσιν ἄλγος οἰκτρόν. Cf. Eur. Alc. 1038 f. Not only Prometheus, but the other characters constantly advert to the Titan's ȧλyńμara: 267, 268, 298, 302, 306, 326, 375, 397, 413, 471, 512, 525, 541. Cf. esp. 615 and 695 ff., and 934.

32. Notes on Plautus and Terence, by Professor Charles Knapp, of Columbia University (read by title).

Among the fifteen passages discussed were the following from the Adelphoe: (1) 20, 21. Proof was offered that sine superbia must be interpreted of the predicate of its clause, not, as recent editors have held, of the subject.

(2) 137. It was argued that the phrase si obsto is not, as editors seem to think, transparent, but that we must supply with it Aeschini factis or the like. The spirit of the remark Demea was about to make can best be got by comparing 989 ff., especially 992 ff. The latter passage, too, was discussed; the author held that sense demands that secundare, “give a favorable turn to," "bring to a happy issue," not obsecundare, "support," "further" (so Mss), shall be read.

(3) 160, 161. It was argued that at ita ut usquam fuit fide quisquam optuma can be explained only as due to a fusion of (1) at ita (leno sum = talis leno sum) ut ille fuit qui optuma fide fuit and (2) at optuma fide (leno sum) si usquam quisquam ita fuit. Mode 1 is essentially affirmative, mode 2 is essentially negative in spirit. Other passages from Greek and Latin writers showing similar fusion of different syntactical elements were cited and discussed.

(4) 163-166. The author sought to determine the bearing of the quom-clause in 166. It cannot give the reason for dabitur . . . hac. Nor can it be easily or naturally associated with those words in adversative force. He proposed, therefore, to remove the period commonly set after feceris, 164, to set a dash there, and another after hac, 166; then the quom-clause can be joined directly with ego meum... feceris, 164, as causal in force, giving the reason for the threat contained in those words. In this view nollem factum . . . iniuria hac is an excited parenthetical commentary on vostra haec. Here, as so often elsewhere, emotional exaltation is attended by syntactical dislocation. All this throws important light on the text in 165, 166. The Mss text gives here a trochaic octonarius followed by an iambic octonarius. Bentley condemned the change of rhythm, and editors in general have followed him, emending in various ways in 165, 166 to make 166 also trochaic. The author held that all such alterations are futile. The Ms text, reënforced by the proposed punctuation, is extremely effective; it throws out into such sharp relief the vital part of the quoted words, indignum iniuria hac. The author thus arrived, quite independently, at the conclusions previously reached by Kauer; that scholar, in his revision of Dziatzko's annotated edition, had argued strongly for the retention of the Ms reading, though he gave no heed to the difficulty of interpreting the quom-clause if the ordinary punctuation is retained.

Ad. 202, 574-575, 770, were considered, besides passages in the Eunuchus and the Andria, and in various plays of Plautus.

33. Travel in Ancient Times as seen in Plautus and Terence, by Professor Charles Knapp (read by title).

The purpose of this paper is to gather together all the information supplied by the plays of Plautus and Terence concerning travel. Such an investigation has much interest; that it has value is a fact emphasized afresh to the author's mind by the following passage in Kroll's Die Altertumswissenschaft im letzten Vierteljahrhundert (1905): "Was uns gleichfalls noch immer fehlt, ist eine Geschichte des Reisens im Altertum (für die Kaiserzeit liegt da freilich die treffliche Behandlung in Friedländers Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte vor) und in Zusammenhang damit eine neue Arbeit über die Fuhrwerke der Alten . . . " (so Blümner, p. 370).

The plays give abundant evidence of the freest movement from place to place in the Greek world (most of the places mentioned in Plautus are parts of the Greek rather than of the Roman world; all those mentioned in Terence are Greek). We have here an interesting and instructive illustration of the wellknown dependence of the Roman comic writers on Greek models.

Travel is undertaken regularly, it may be said, in connection with business ; there are very few references to travel undertaken for the mere love of travelling, animi causa. Illustrations of travel for business, in the narrower sense of the term, are afforded by the long trading trips (lasting two or even three years) frequently mentioned. A good deal of travelling was done in connection with warfare; one realizes to what an extent the citizen soldiery of Athens, for example, became acquainted through wars with the outer world. Akin to such journeying is the travelling of persons who were legati publice missi. The amours of the miles gloriosus and others involve much travel, either on the part of these personages themselves or on that of their messengers and the meretrices. Another chapter can be written on the travels of persons stolen in childhood by runaway slaves or pirates; they often undergo remarkable experiences. Much travelling is done also by their kinsmen as they seek to find those lost years before.

The paper, in its final form, will contain remarks on the geography of the plays, on the costume worn by travellers, the baggage carried by them, etc.

34. When did Aristophanes die? by Dr. Roland G. Kent, of the University of Pennsylvania (read by title).

The year 385 seems to be agreed upon as the approximate date of A.'s death (so Croiset, Hist. Litt. Gr. III.2 531; Christ, Gr. Litt.-Gesch.2 292; Kaibel in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-En. II. 972). This is based on Hyp. iv, Ar. Plut.; Anon. Vita Ar. § 12; Schol. ad Plat. Apol. 19 C; Suid. s.v. 'Apapús; and the fact that A. appears as a character in Plato's Symposium. It is certain that after the Plutus (388) A. composed only the Cocalus and the Aeolosicon, and that he gave them to his son Araros for presentation to commend him to the favor of the public. Now the ordinary interpretation of Suidas (1.c.) in regard to Araros didáças

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The sur of the feet as if scafe n Emer is necessarly difficult fr te quien vigas at the registresuit of a long process of teves Timent, sine at my nere mi anguage out the picture of life as well must have been mitent is rics & sme points we can see that the sera irs vid vuld act afect so easily masa Kaur must have interfered with angage, ir eigin s user bound to locality. Yet true to me isum methat ur scholars to appey wally distinct methods the wines of sus commem” mugit that the epic language was not son I L .ne zace and time, athuga 1 advies no manufactured" jeens or grammatis is csscent that is incalt to trace any evolución a assumei saa a de pens, that I came to be understood in many parts of Greece, stre i vas oficut or as we spoke one dialect to understuri hos và scke des na a ser statel la other words, the language was 28. 100% *ma" muret e The Wes 2 salabon from +ferent sources. Are we not justle; a suming t the same prace bois true of the picture ď seal të That the picture of rely on n ke manner, dues not reproduce the reigion of an se hace e me period, bright clades no absolutely new creation of de beet; that is consiseny is due to the poet's unconscious art; tha tamte moerstvé al zeer Creece, when the worship of one cult-centre

Tes assen, cea be grace, the son of epic region should follow the same înes as the state of eat anpage. As messy first to study the picture of

religion in the poems with all due regard to what we may learn from other sources as to different "strata." The results of this study cannot be directly used for the religion of one epoch or one place, any more than the results of such a study of epic language or metre. Secondly, we may ask what modifying influences must be assumed as acting on the bards. Evidently the account of the gods and of worship is cut loose from local religious centres and given such a universal form as will suit poetry sung in many places. Again, the deeper phases of religion are not suited to the banquet occasion with which this poetry is associated. Perhaps the "rationalistic" atmosphere of the epic, its disregard for magic, some forms of divination, etc., is due partly to the attitude toward this phase of religion among the "princes" who were entertained by the bard. Thirdly, we may be able to connect some parts of this picture of religion with data from other sources, before and after the epic, and thus give it its true place in the history of Greek religion.

36. Can Ancient and Modern Views of the Minor Sapphic and Other Logaoedic Forms be reconciled? by Dr. Herbert W. Magoun of Cambridge, Mass. (read by title).

The object of this paper was to show that the difference between ancient and modern ideas of the Minor Sapphic and other logaoedic forms is chiefly one of viewpoint. The rhythm actually used in the days of Horace may have been, and probably was, essentially the same as that now employed. The reasons for this supposition are as follows: First, all logaoedics were composed in 4/4 time. The evidence on this point is conclusive. Second, all such measures contained rhythmical elements. This also can be abundantly proved. Third, the metricians confessedly omitted those elements. Fourth, pauses did occur within the lines, Schmidt et al. to the contrary notwithstanding. Native testimony on this point must outweigh modern conjecture. Fifth and last, the analyses that have come down to us are metrical, and therefore devoid of the rhythmical elements, which are necessary to complete the bars.

The Minor Sapphic has the structure (Latin, standard form): AUU_IULA. Stripped of its rhythmical elements, this gives the scheme : ~__|_~~ _ | ~ __. Adding the possible alternate short syllable in the fourth place (Greek form) and the syllaba anceps, gives the result: ~_xl_~~ _ | ~ _ ~, which is exactly the analysis found in Hephaestion. The alternate short may occasion some trouble in the scheme; but it occasions none in practice, if the sense is properly observed. A balancing element - usually a pause—always occurs in the bar. Observing the apparent trochees, Schmidt evidently surmised that the time was 3/8. He accordingly analyzed the line as (Greek): _u|_|~~ul_ul. ~, or (Latin): _ul_> |_ tul_ul. , ignoring the fact that the final syllable, at least in Latin, is generally long. Others, however, modified the Latin scheme and treated the last two syllables as, _ | _ ^, by syncopation.

Schmidt's (Latin) analysis and the above 4/4 scheme have two things in common; namely, both recognize the fact that the third syllable is regularly longer than the fourth and that the fifth takes more time than the sixth and seventh. In the Greek the place of the caesura is not fixed, and the rhythmical elements

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