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2. A Neglected Factor in the Question of the Mise en Scène of the French Classic Tragedies of the Sixteenth Century, by Professor C. Searles, of the Leland Stanford Jr. University.

Were the tragedies of the sixteenth century intended by their authors to be staged, or merely read after the fashion of the tragedies attributed to Seneca, is an old question lately revived by MM. Lanson and Rigal in the Revue d'Histoire Littéraire, 1903 and 1904.

Lanson was able to add materially to the list of representations of classic tragedies known to have been given during the sixteenth century and concludes that we are scarcely justified in believing that these plays were written merely to be read (Rev. d'Hist. Litt. 1903, p. 191). Thereupon Rigal examines these plays again to discover how many were really stageable with the resources which the sixteenth century dramatists had at their command. He believes that the poets could have had no real conception of the mise en scène of their tragedies (ib. 1904, p. 226).

In view of the very intimate literary relations between France and Italy we should naturally look in that direction for some light on this question, and we actually find there a system of mise en scène which answers many of Rigal's objections. D'Ancona (Origini del Teatro Italiano, vol. II) shows that the stage setting of the plays given so frequently at the chief Italian courts throughout the whole of the sixteenth century was a combination of the simple stage of the popular Latin Comedy and elaborate decorations and machinery of the Sacre Rappresentazioni; i.e., a street serving as the undefined place of the later classic French tragedy, with tombs, caves, and houses (sometimes to the number of five or six) in the background, from which the actors emerge or into which they enter, thus serving to localize the action when necessary. This custom of the Italians must have been entirely familiar to the French poets. It meets many of the objections of Rigal, and by accepting the convention of the action not in compartments or houses but before the same, the management of the chorus, the most disturbing factor of all, becomes at least feasible.

It is not claimed that many of these tragedies were thus presented, — although the expression of Saint-Marthe regarding the presentation of Cléopatre at the court is suggestive, but it is believed in view of the great numbers of Italian artists, scholars, and actors as well as the Italian queen present at court, we are quite justified in believing that these poets with the possible exception of Garnier did have a fairly definite mise en scène in their mind – - an ideal at least, though one probably but seldom realized.

Discussion by Professors Murray, Prescott, and Matzke.

3. Some Phases of the Relation of Thought to Verse in Plautus, by Professor H. W. Prescott, of the University of California.

The paper was an effort to discover (1) the extent to which Plautus allows himself the separation, by the verse, of the attributive adjective from its substantive; (2) the causes, if there were any, of such separation ; (3) the relation of

Plautus in this respect to earlier Latin verse, and to the Greek verse of the New Comedy.

Discussion by Professors Clapp, Murray, Merrill, and Richardson.

4. Aftermath Notes on the Unique Havelok Manuscript, by Professor E. K. Putnam, of the Leland Stanford Jr. C'niversity.

A transcription and collation of the Havelok manuscript (Laud. Misc. 108) in preparation for a new edition.

5. C.IL XIV, 309, by Professor C. Price, of the University of California.

Without the facsimile that belongs with this paper nach that is pertinent must be omitted. From a study of the palaeography the writer maintained that 1. KR. 13 and 21 were written before the other lines of the inscription, when Chias had held the otñcas mentioned in II. 3-9, and his legal wife, Cornelia Ampliata, was bring. Afterwards he was elected to the boss mentioned in IL 9 and 10, aná these together with IL 14-20 were added. The third hand appears in the words tos 10) and sheriae 1.15., the former taking the place of a danse denning curator and the latter replacing a longer word, perhaps comcutanar, necessary to preserve the symmetrical arrangement apon the stone; cf. CIL XIV, 372, 377; and Orelli, 4093 Cornelia Pibengis, spoa the death of Coradia Amplatz, was received into the bome and bar aral status changed. This theory is supponied by a genealogical table of the persons named in the inscription

The paper briesis discussed the Latinity of the inscriptisa touching apon Ostis 1 ; ; upon monitor 18 in the masculine gender, as shown by sanctus 1. 10°; upon magistr 1 10' for maçãszet, the writer of the second band, bar. ing failed to look back to the beginning of the inscription, used the customary case - datire; xpon ad Mart 1 10; d. apud men Suzieren, Orelh, 2155); and upon other minor points.

In dating the inscription from its palacography, only such inscriptions were used as came from the same geograntical čvision of liał, viz. Letism. They are found in Hübner's Earrepia Scripturar Eggraphicar, Nos. 303 477, 1021, 327, 471, and 52, the dates of which are respectively 1-2, 181, 192, 193, 198 and 200 An. Inesmuch as the later inscriptions are more like the Calpernius Chiss inscription, we are led to believe that the inscription was set up about 200 AD.

Since there were several colleges of Siranus a Ostia, some defming terms were necessary. In the first place, maiw serves to distinguish this college from its Smaller contemporarias ; secundis, qund es Hicriots, "that is Hilario's' is added, Hitaria trabahy being a pable-spirited freedman of wealt who upon being chosen 32727 Augustziz, showed bs gratitude, as was customers, bra pablic benefaction. In this case a shrine ar temple to Sicanis Augustus was erected, to which his name was attached; set Orelh, 2414 and 493. This theory is supported by an inscription Wilmann, 17421 which was set up in bonor of T. Flavius Hilaria, who in the 19th lustrum was magiskt graIRJUTER Lun cabing fabrum (carpenters). The worship of Silvanus was held especially sacred by the carpenters, Silvanus being sometimes called dendrophorus, 'the carpenter. In the Calpurnius Chius inscription we see that Hil was very closely associated with the worship of Silvanus. In this respect the inscriptions support each other, and lead to the belief that they both refer to the same Hilario.

Furthermore, the date of the Flavius Hilario inscription corroborates this hypothesis. These lustra belonged to the new series of lustra instituted by Domitian in 86 A.D. and occurred at intervals of four years (see Suet. Dom. 4; Censorinus, 18; Statius, S. iv, 2, 60 ff.; and Pliny, N.H. ii, 47). Accordingly Flavius Hilario held office from 146 to 178 A.D. and had not passed away when the inscription was set up by his wife and daughter. It is reasonable to suppose that he lived to the close of the second century A.D., which confirms the belief that the Calpurnius Chius inscription referring Hilario was erected at that time.

The third defining clause is iunctus sacomari (for sarcomario), ‘hard by the public scales,' misread and so misunderstood by both Mommsen and Dessau, who read funclus (C.I.L. XIV, 309 and XIV, 51). For this use of iunctus, cf. Wilmanns, 1724; and for like expressions see Orelli, 2389 and 2417. For the use of collegius as masculine see Orelli, 2413, 4101,4123,4978, and 7186. To the paper a genealogical table was added.

Discussion by Professor Richardson.
Report of the Auditing Committee adopted. Adjourned at 5 P.M.

SECOND SESSION.

The meeting was called to order on Thursday, December 28, at 9.30 A.M.

The reading of papers was continued.

6. Old Problems in Horace (continued), by Professor J. E. Church, Jr., of the Nevada State University.

On Horace, Carmina, i, 3, 1-8.

In his interpretation of this passage, PAPA. XXXIV (1903), xxii, in which he suggests the insertion of ut after Vergilium, the late Professor Earle raises two objections to the generally accepted theory that this passage is a benediction and a prayer upon which the former is conditioned, on the ground that if this interpretation be the correct one, there is no reason why the first stanza should have been the first and the second the second, — “indeed, it would be a great improvement if the two stanzas were to change places,” — nor is it to be supposed that Horace wrote arrant nonsense here.

We should raise no question against the first objection if these stanzas were the product of the English mind and language. But several examples of Roman benedictions followed by prayers strikingly similar in arrangement and language to the above stanzas cast much doubt upon the tenability of the position taken. These examples, moreover, occur in formal inscriptions as well as in literature. Such are Bücheler, Carm. Lat. Epigr.: 197 Ita levis incumbat terra defuncto tibi ...

rogo ne sepulcri umbras violare audeas;

rate

of indifference if the word-foot happened sometimes to jar against the theoretical verse-foot at these more or less stressless points, as was particularly likely to be the case in Latin with its more conspicuous and immovable word-accent; so, for example, in Catullus, 63. I: super alta vectus Attis celeri

maria vuluculuvuzu vul where the theoretical ictus on the last syllable of rate was too weak to conflict seriously with the word-accent on the first, and hence the frequent admission of such forms side by side with the more natural effect, as in v. 3, adiitque opaca

silvis redimita loca deae vulucu-evulu u where there is no such conflict of word-foot and verse-foot.

To sum up: The history of ionic rhythms from Alkman, Alkaios, Sappho, and Anakreon, down the ages through the Greek drama to Plautus himself shows a clear tendency to maintain the unmistakable purity of the ionic foot. On the other hand, the name itself of the galliambic, the typical association of the ditrochaeus with every phase of it from Kallimachos to the citation of Diogenes Laer. tius, the testimony of Hephaistion and the Roman metricians, and the remarkable fact that with all the freedom of resolution in the first foot of each dimeter, the only undebatable ionic resolution Culuu is confined to the pure ionic place, the end of the first dimeter, — all these considerations point to the truth of the thesis, that the resolution of the final long of the ionic foot in a galliambic connection amounts to rhythmic anaklasis for all known remains of this latest and most artistic creation of Greek metric.

24. Notes on the Bucolic Diaeresis, by Professor Samuel E. Bassett, of the University of Vermont.

This contribution, which was read by Dr. Weller, of Yale University, will be found in the TRANSACTIONS.

On motion of Professor Elmer Truesdell Merrill, of Trinity College,

it was

Voted, that the Secretary send to Professor Francis A. March, Sr., the greetings of the Association as follows:

The American Philological Association, assembled in its annual meeting, sends affectionate greetings to its absent ex-President, Professor Francis A. March, whose four-score years of life, recently completed, have not been years of labor and sorrow, but of labor sweetened by manifold successful achievement.

Serus in caelum redeas, diuque
Laetus intersis populo!

25. The Ablative of Association, by Professor Charles E. Bennett, of Cornell University.

This paper will also be found in the TRANSACTIONS,

The Committee on the Place of Meeting in 1906 reported by its chairman, Professor Rolfe, of the University of Pennsylvania. It was recommended that the Association accept the kind invitation of the George Washington University, Washington, D.C.

The report of the Committee was accepted and adopted.

The question of a change in the mode of publication was raised and discussed in detail by Messrs. Scott, Radford, Harrington, Smyth, Merrill, Sanders, and Hempl.

Voted, that the matter of a change in the method of publication be referred back to the Executive Committee, to consider, and, after conference with the American Oriental Society, and the Modern Language Association, to report at the beginning of the next meeting.

Voted, to refer to the Executive Committee with power the suggestion of Professor Radford that the next volume of the TRANSACTIONS be so published that the publishers keep on hand a sufficient number of off-prints of the several articles to meet possible demands of purchasers.

26. The Classification of Latin Conditional Sentences, by Professor Karl P. Harrington, of Wesleyan University,

It cannot be denied that there is sufficient cause to search for a new classification of Latin conditional sentences. The present confusion in terms and methods of classification is bewildering and frequently results in misstatement, unpractical diffuseness, or meaningless conciseness. Professor Rolfe's paper before the New York Latin Club about a year ago led me to attempt a new classification which should include all the common types of conditions without relegating any to the hopeless limbo of fine-print exceptions, yet should state the facts as they appear, without reading into them any theories as to their origin or development.

It is not safe, for example, to lump all Indicative conditions together in such a way as this: “Indicative conditions. Conditions in any tense, with nothing implied as to their fulfilment and expressed positively (or vividly).” For frequently, on the contrary, the actual fulfilment of the Indicative condition is very definitely implied. So, when Cicero (in Cat. i. 16), addressing the arch-conspirator, and taunting him with the fact that none of his friends gave him the customary greetings when shortly before he entered the senate house, adds, Si hoc post hominum memoriam contigit nemini, vocis exspectas contumeliam, cum sis gravissimo iudicio taciturnitatis oppressus ? Catiline himself and every auditor in the temple understood perfectly that the condition was stated as a well-recognized fact, and actually as the reason for the ironical question which follows it.

Further, while, if the tense of the Indicative be future, the conceivable case may be felt as stated more vividly than if the mood (referring to the same time) were Subjunctive, we cannot always, if we can ever, speak of a present or past Indicative condition as being especially “vivid.” For example, when Pliny (Ep. vi. 20), in describing his own experiences during the great eruption of Vesuvius, quotes the exhortation of his uncle's Spanish friend, si frater tuus,

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