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Humanists. Whatever of aureole remains about their heads in the popular estimation of the historical commonplace must vanish upon an exhaustive perusing of their own literary utterances. And few things so vigorously produce in us an overwhelming sense of the profound change in our taste and in the essentials of our own classicism, so called, as such perusal.

Filelfo, however, while his availability (due to his purer Latinity) gave him that notoriety in political manifestoes, and that standing among courtiers which he shared with Bruni, Poggio, Valla, Enea Silvio, and others, — Filelfo, I say, has certain claims on our attention which still deserve our regard. His letters fully reveal the less worthy and more evanescent traits of his class, but they also contain precious data for the history of scholarship, — of sound and genuine scholarship, I mean. Columbia University Library contains a folio of date 1489, Venice, printed but a few years after the death of Filelfo, with all the abbreviations customary in the codices themselves. From this folio were taken the data of this summary.

As to the number of books itself, the arrangement in XVI is quite significant. Both of Cicero's largest collections are so transmitted; we may smile at the artificiality of the imitation if we like, still it was a deliberate one. The first letter is of date Venice, Oct. 10, 1427, this collection extending to February, 1461. It contains roughly some 891 letters, many so brief that we marvel at their insertion, but they contained data suggestive of the tastes and concerns of that century.



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Autobiographical: also aims and consciousness of Humanism. • Vix primarii ipsi cives in rebus etiam maximis plus habent auctoritatis quam ipse ego' (July 13, 1432, in Florence). “Si lapides ipsi loqui possent, omnes in meas laudes linguas solverent' (Apr. 13, 1433); meque ad scribendum converti totum quo non praesentibus modo, sed etiam posteris natus fuisse videar' (Mch. 1, 1440). .Quod vero cupis pro nostrae amicitiae munere immortalitatis nomini per nos commendari, id quoque in te est' (Mch. 15, 1447).

Having some new codices from Germany, Enea Silvio is sure to have found something in tot ac tam plenis et pulverulentis bibliothecis Germaniae, (Febr. 4, 1448). Varro, Cicero, Seneca are ‘nostri,' i.e. Italians (Oct. 1, 1450). To duke's secretary at Milan: 'money! otherwise I shall make contracts with other princes!' (Nov., 1451). Per doctrinae praestantiam in eorum cognitionem venimus, quibus Dei reddimur simillimi' (Jan. 1, 1452). Of a victory of Sforza, to be recorded in his Sforziad, b. v., 'immortalitati sum commendaturus’ (1453). 'I have determined to publish ten books of letters in this year' (May 5, 1453).

At Rome (1453, July) received from the Humanist pope, Nicholas V, 500 ducats, and had to prolong his sojourn there, that the pope might complete the perusal of Filelfo's Satyrae : —'nec prius mihi restituit quam totum lectitaverit.' Was knighted by King Alfonso at Capua, on Corpus Christi day at nine A.M. (1453): also received laurel crown then. His aims in culture: 'cum ipse non poetam minus quam oratorem atque philosophum profiteri debeam' (1455).

To Calixtus III (not at all a Humanist): ‘You need not be jealous any more of Greek authors: why, you can read them in Latin !' (Febr. 19, 1456). Has begun to write Greek verse also: he intimates, that thus he shall outdo both Cicero and Vergil (1458). •Quod habemus memoratu dignum, quod a Graecis non acceperimus' — to the Greek, Cardinal Bessarion; and while pretending that it is arrogant and foolish to vie with the Greeks in versification, he asks the Greek prelate whether he has any book on the quantity of (Greek) syllables (1458). His motive for entering upon the writing of Greek verse: there is actually no versification among the Byzantines now: Filelfo desires to stir up his contemporaries. Have you given my Greek poem to Argyropulos? (1458). Congratulates the Humanist pope, Pius II (Enea Silvio), on his election, August 23, 1458. Pius once was Filelfo's pupil. Him Filelfo calls ó totius sapientiae et bonitatis numen' (Oct. 17, 1458). To a prelate, the cardinal-patriarch of Aquileia, he delineates the Humanist heaven: 'si cognovit rerum a se gestarum ac summae virtutis gloriam in omnem posteritatem diffusum iri' (Febr. 22, 1460).



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Here we will briefly set down such data as illustrate his interests or concerns with specific classic writers both Greek and Latin; particularly also with the acquisition and the copying of codices. As for the Greeks, the chief aim of most other Italians seems to have been the accomplishment of translating the greatest possible number of Greek MSS for the learning and erudition thus obtainable. The power even to read Greek script remained so rare that Filelfo regularly resorted to Greek characters (as a cipher) whenever he wished to keep things in privacy, and the typesetters even of 1489 made sad work of many Greek words or passages in the epistles of our Humanist. I have thought it best to follow merely a chronological order.

1433: undertakes to Latinize verse in Diogenes Laertius for the Camaldulensian Traversari. 1436: he gives Beccadelli's Terence to person named. Cannot lend the Lucretius, it is not his own. 1437: translating Plutarch's .dicteria’ addressed to Trajan, into Latin; a matter of orthography in Gellius: refers to all the codices in Tuscany: — *qui et emendatissimi sunt et istorum omnium ut ita dicam, parentes.' A passage in Iliad: cites scholia with notes of Aristotle, Aristarchus, Porphyry. 1439: desires his own codex of Vergil and likewise that of the commentator Servius remitted to him from Bologna. 1440 to Aurispa : You are a regular trader in codices. What have you for sale? I have none for sale. Quintilian's declamationes smack of Hispanitas (in this judgment Filelfo imitates Pollio on Livy). The Horace and Cicero of Victorinus (da Feltre) I have given to the man you named. I would like to see Plato's Laws or Republic, or Xenophon's Memorabilia. To Cyriacus of Ancona about inscriptions. A grammar point: Priscian (in primo de octo orationis partibus). F. thanks the cardinalbishop of Como for despatching to F. the Philo recovered from Aurispa. F. promises to translate for the cardinal the life of Moses from Philo. 1441: is anxious to get at Apollonius Dycolus and Herodian (so often mentioned in Priscian). Byzantine schoolmasters knew nothing of them. 1442: I asked you, Aurispa, for a codex of Strabo to copy; you ask for a Sextus Empiricus with the same intention. Cribellus, please return my Diodorus; you have had the codex for two years. Saxolus of Prato: You want my Pollux: Aurispa has it, the harpy! Antonius Raudensis: You have written against Lactantius. What possessed you? Imitate Augustine, i.e. retract. 1444: Aurispa, lend me Theophrastus tepi putv. I have a Greek copyist ready: do not devise an evasive reply. F. cnumerates

Am sorry:

some of his translations: two bks. of Xenophon (Mem. I think), Xen. de Rep. Lacedaem., Xen. Agesilaus, Plutarch's Lycurgus and Numa. Cyriacus of Ancona : These four inss. which you brought from the Peloponnesus are very valuable. Answers him also on the question what were the doctrines of the ancient philosophers on the parts of the soul (Pythagoras, Democritus and Epicurus, Stoics, Plato, Aristotle).

1446: Poethius commended, esp. in Logic: desires to have copies made of certain sections. F. will provide a copyist. 1447: would like to borrow Commentaries on Porphyry and Aristotle's Categories ( Praedicamenta ') and tepi 'Epunvelas, for copying.

1447: I have been compelled to borrow a codex of Lactantius from another. Why do you not return the one I loaned you? I must return it to its owner.

1448: Thomasius, 'philosopher and physician': Have sent you my Latin version of Hippocrates' de Flatibus and de Passionibus Corporis : please return when read. My Macrobius' Saturnalia has just been brought to Milan, a codex which I lost when I lived at Vicenza, before my journey to Constantinople (1419). To Card. Bessarion : Very sorry I cannot let you have my Iliad engrossed by Theodorus Gaza. To Guarino of Verona: My Strabo ? it is with all my Greek codices in the care of Bernardo Giustiniani in Venice (Barbaro is using them there).

1449: begs of a physician of Milan to loan F. a codex containing Celsus, both Soranus, Democritus (sic) Apuleius (sic); would like to have a copy made. I want to read those medical authors for the scholarship which they furnish.

On Augustine and Jerome: A. had the keener penetration ; Jerome the better style; J. a good Greek scholar; A. less so; J. a Hebrew scholar ; A. ignorant there. 1450: consoles his former pupil Perleoni, an underpaid Humanist at Genoa, with a citation from Theocritus. To the priest Cassianus: Send me my Greek codices which Victorinus (da Feltre) has loaned you. Proclus on Plato, Timaeus, Aristotle's Dialectica with commentaries by Alexander and Themistius, Euripides, Libri Mathematici. You have had them too long. I want my books around me. Thomasius : Send your Ptolemy. 1451: is looking for a codex of Strabo (Febr. 15). The Greeks to-day talk as Euripides and Aristophanes did, as to enunciation : of course, with this, there is grammatical and ungrammatical speech. At Aurispa's there is Ouch a copy of the geographer Strabo: I have so heard at Guarino's. Please return my orations of Cicero: you have had them long enough. “De anno autem pro scaenio apud Plautum : textus ille corruptus est: Nannio enim scribi oportet' (v. Plautus, Amphitr. prol. 91). Is looking for Arrian. Why he went to Constantinople in 1419: quo Graeca sapientia factus doctior maiori vel usui vel ornamento latinae futurus essem (note the grammar). On ae and ai. I desire Pliny's N.H. I hear the prince (d' Este, at Ferrara) has a copy very highly emended through the labors of Aurispa and Guarino. Have you a good copyist there?

1452: those twelve comedies of Plautus brought into Italy in the last years from Germany: F. desires copy made for himself. Owner (addressed) is said to be unwilling to trust the codex to any one. Is there any Greek copyist at Rome? I find that a copy of Cicero's Epistolae Familiares (so F. puts it) is for sale here, in Milan, for ten ducats. This codex is . et pulcher et novus et satis emendate scriptus.' 1453: I want my codex containing my Latin




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version of two orations of Lysias, of Aristotle's Rhetorica ad Alexandrum (really the texvn of Anaximenes). I lent you this codex in the time of duke Visconti. I made these versions when professor at Florence. (Dec. 15, 1453: first mention by F. of fall of Constantinople.) Nobody here in Milan has a copy of Plutarch's Parallel Lives : I have Latinized Numa and Lycurgus. 1454: Francesco Barbaro is dead in Venice: combination of Greek and Latin scholarship (as in him) is very rare. Get my Greek codices from his heirs.

Now (1454 sqq.) writes many letters to the rich and great in Italy and France, bespeaking money for travelling Greeks who are collecting funds for Turkish

Are there any Greek codices for sale in Turin? F. wishes to employ a domestic copyist, an expert in abbreviations (notae). 1456: To Pope Calixtus III (see p. vii fin.). Pity that Nicholas V failed in his desire to have a version of Homer made. That pope, after fall of Constantinople, sent his envoys through all that part of Europe and Asia to buy up Greek codices. Argyropulos is among the Greeks now collecting funds for ransom. Expects a librarius' from Mantua, to be employed in his house at Milan. 1458: Have not been able to find any book on Greek quantities. I need a Greek copyist. He thanks new Pope, Pius II (Humanist), for a codex of Plutarch.

1460: F. has had copied for himself Porphyrio on Horace. To his son Xenophon at Ragusa in Dalmatia : Are there any ancient monuments at Ragusa? any old inss. with name of town? Keep a lookout for Greek codices. To Alamanni at Florence: F. hears that many Greek codices have reached Florence from the shipwreck of Constantinople. Find out who has that codex of Silius Italicus, once acquired at Montepulciano from the estate of a man who was secretary to Pope Martin V (f 1431) : 'nam codices omnes, quotquot illo exemplari exscripti sunt, depravatos corruptosque invenio.'

I desire a copy made of the Latin translation of Aesop: ‘nam auctor ipse periit apud Graecos.' 1461: To his faithful correspondent, Palla Strozzi, the Florentine exile (in Padua): I hear there are for sale there: Palaiphatos tepi Talalwr lo toplwv; Cornutus tepl áll nyopewr; Syncellus : have copies made at my expense, or send the codices for copying. In a ferocious diatribe against his minor fellowhumanist Candido Dicembre F. cites, for quantity, Donatus, Servius, Priscian; for geography he quotes Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny N.H., Polybius. We close this abstract with Filelfo's own words which he wrote for publication (as we now would say) or at least for the public: «Unus Filelfus audet affirmare, (vel insani. ente Candido) neminem esse hac tempestate nec fuisse umquam apud Latinos, quantum constet ex omni hominum memoria, qui praeter se unum idem unus tenuerit exercueritque pariter et Graecam pariter et Latinam orationem in omni dicendi genere, et prosa et versu.'

And in spite of this fanfaronade we may well accept the judgment of his biographer Rosmini : la sua vasta erudizione per que' tempi maravigliosa.'

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3. The Titles of Caesar's Works, by Professor Francis W. Kelsey, of the University of Michigan. This paper appears in the TRANSACTIONS.

Remarks were made by Professor Sihler.

4. Futures in -bo in modern Hindu Dialects, by Professor E. Washburn Hopkins, of Yale University (read by Dr. Magoun).

It will doubtless surprise the classical scholar to learn that modern Hindu (Aryan) dialects possess futures in -bo. They have in fact futures in -bo and futures in -am, so that, as striking parallels to ibo or dabo and dicam, they show yābo, ‘I will go,' from , 'go,' and kaham, 'I will speak, from kah, 'speak.' I hasten to add that between the Hindu and Latin terminations there is no genetic connection.

But these forms of the Hindu verb are worth noticing. They show, when their history is traced, first, that pronominal endings occur as verbal suffixes in purely Aryan verbs, and second that precise tense-meanings may develop out of a merely adjectival verbal form. The history of terminations in Greek and Latin is doubtful; the greater value attaches to a growth which can be followed back to its beginning.

For the modern material here referred to and for the earlier middle Indic -bo forms I am indebted to the great thesaurus of Dr. Grierson, whose Linguistic Survey of India is a mine of wealth to the student of modern Hindu dialects.

The forms in -bo are, in a word, only the latest development of adjectival forms parallel to Greek adjectives in -téov plus a pronoun-ending. As Auréov compared with Autóv has passed from a general meaning to one prevailingly gerundive, so the Hindu adjective in -tavyà has passed from a general adjectival (infinitive) meaning to one prevailingly gerundive. In Greek itself the -tóv form has also the sense of the -téov form: dkovo tbv is ‘ audible'; a paktóv, what may be done'; Tiuntéos is a man 'to be honored,' venerandus. In Sanskrit, the -tavyà form gradually receives an almost stereotyped gerundive meaning: han-tavyà is not merely about to be killed' but killable. But in the earlier Vedic use, as found in (jātám) janitavyàn, the sense is merely to be born. At this stage no subject is needed, but when found it is in the instrumental case. But the potential note becomes pronounced very early, and this, again, is paralleled by the closely related adjectival forms in -tva (tua). Thus krtāni are things done,' as opposed to kártvāni, things 'to be done,' and in ydj jātdin ydc ca jantvam, 'going to be born,' is simply future by implication. The notion of possibility, the potential idea, comes next, as in the Greek otuyvos, 'hateful,' as well as "hated,' or Latin invictus, ' unconquerable' as well as unconquered.' So (RV.) jayātu jétvāni, 'conquer what can be conquered,” (RV.) nántvāni, 'conquerable,' (RV.) snätvam (udakam), ‘bathable' (water). Another Greek parallel may be found in such forms as öylos, Sk. yajyd, the latter being a noun as well as an adjective. So yujya is not only iunctus, but a friend,' just as a dylos is ‘fixed,”“ firm.' Latest of all is the moral gerundive sense, nd brāhmand hinsitavyàḥ, AV. v, 18. 6, inviolate is the priest.'

The connection with the infinitive, to which the -tavyà form is an adjective, makes certain the indefiniteness in meaning of the Sanskrit form. Thus kar. tavyà is ‘to be done' or 'to do' (cf. the inf. kartave), and the infinitive itself is used in the same way: prá'ndham . cákşase křthaḥ, 'ye have made the blind to see'; ydd im uśmasi kartave, 'what we wish to be done.'

Now when the middle Indic dialects made their future they operated in part with this verbal adjective like -tavya. First they took car or cal, go,' for exam

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