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In accordance with the vote of the Association at the last annual meeting creating the office of Assistant Secretary (see PROCEEDINGS for 1904, p. xlvi), it was
Voted, to amend the Constitution of the Association as follows:
AMENDMENT I. Besides the officers named in Article II, there shall also be an Assistant Secretary, to assist the Secretary during the sessions of the Association, but not to be a member of the Executive Committee.
The Treasurer then presented a report which covered the period from July 6, 1904, to December 26, 1905, the interval between meetings being in the present case of such length that the customary report by financial years (July to July) would give no indication of the resources of the Association at the time of the meeting:
Balance from 1903-1904
Sales of Transactions
Transactions and Proceedings (Vol. XXXV)
Incidentals (including Press Clippings).
The President appointed as a Committee to audit the Treasurer's report, Professors Sihler and Fairbanks.
The Committee on the Place of Meeting in 1906 was also appointed by the Chair as follows: Professors Rolfe, Carroll, Tarbell, James R. Wheeler.
The reading of papers was then begun.
1. Neo-Platonic Demonology in Goethe's Faust, by Professor Julius Goebel, of Harvard University (read by title).
It is Jamblichus' description of the various apparitions of the gods and demons that furnished Goethe the colors for his own magnificent picture of the apparition of the Earth-spirit. For although we have no account of the fact that Goethe studied Jamblichus, a mere comparison of certain passages in the latter's de Mysteriis with Goethe's poetic description will convince us at once of his indebtedness to this book. I compare the Latin translation of Thomas Gale adjoined to his edition of de Mysteriis, because it is quite improbable that Goethe could have read the rather difficult Greek of the original. (A detailed comparison of Goethe's verses with passages from Jamblichus here follows in the paper.)
But we are permitted to obtain a still closer view into Goethe's workshop by examining carefully what precedes the conjuration of the Earth-spirit. It will be remembered that Faust, disgusted with the Kerker, the Mauerloch of his study, decides to flee into the wide world, not, as Scherer and others in their hypercritical wisdom fancied, to conjure up the devil in the woods, but to get into intimate touch with nature; when, as if charmed by the magic-book before him, he opens it, sees the sign of the Makrokosmos, and the magnificent vision follows. What are the signs that have this wonderful effect on Faust's mind? The answer is given by Jamblichus, according to whom these signs are divina synthemata, or divina symbola, — Faust calls them heilige Zeichen, which possess the power of producing the magic effect upon the human mind, not on account of any activity of the latter, but because of the divine influence which recognizes in these symbols its image. Nobis enim nec opinantibus divina synthemata per se opus suum perficiunt, et deorum virtus ineffabilis, ad quam diriguntur synthemata, suas in iis ultro agnoscit imagines, non quasi a nostro intellectu excitata. Quare nec principia divina antecedenter a nostro intellectu ad opus excitantur (ii. 11). We understand now why Faust says:
Umsonst, dass trocknes Sinnen hier
Die heilgen Zeichen dir erklärt; and again :
War es ein Gott, der diese Zeichen schrieb?
The visions which the gods, having pity on the labors of the theurgist, graciously grant the latter are described thus: Nam beatas visiones dum speculatur anima, aliam vitam adipiscitur, alias operationes operatur, sed et sibi nec amplius esse in hominum censu videtur; nec immerito illud quidem, saepe etenim suam exuit vitam, et beatissima deorum actione commutat (i. 12). It is for this reason that Faust exclaims :
Bin ich ein Gott?
While this unio deifica, thus temporarily attained by the theurgist, is essentially the work of divine grace, it may, nevertheless, be brought about by those who understand the art of theurgy, and carefully follow its rules. Jamblichus calls the disposition of the soul in which it attains the unio deifica (Evwois Deovpyern) enthusiasmus. As this enthusiasm is essentially a state of divine illumination, the art of theurgy consists chiefly in producing this illumination. The art of doing this is called: φωτός αγωγή or φωταγωγία. One of the various means of bringing about illumination is the moonlight. I need not call attention to the beautiful poetic use which Goethe made of this feature in our soliloquy.
The faculty of the human soul, however, through which the divine light operates or the gods speak, so to say, is the imagination, the partaotuh dúvajus. Illa (illuminatio) autem circumpositum animae aetherium et splendidum vehiculum divina luce persundit, unde ad deorum voluntatem percitae imagines divinae eam quae est in nobis attingunt phantasiam (iii. 14).
Among the means which produce illumination, and thus affect the human imagination, we find also the course of the stars, astrology. Porro astrorum cursus vicini sunt aeternis caeli motibus, non tantum loco, sed et qualitatibus et lucis radiationibus, unde nimirum ad deorum nutum et ipsi concitantur (iii. 16).
I believe that the passages just quoted not only give the reason for Faust's words:
Erkennest dann der Sterne Lauf,
Wie spricht ein Geist zum andern Geist;
Jetzt erst erkenn ich, was der Weise spricht:
Die irdsche Brust im Morgenrot.' That Goethe here should have interrupted the flow of passionate poetry by quot. ing literally the words of some author, appears to me a thought which could have occurred only to a philologian, accustomed to interlard his papers with pleasing quotations. It is far more reasonable to suppose that Goethe, in his own poetic language, gives the contents of the teachings of some philosopher. Der Weise (philosophus) is none other but Jamblichus, and the Schüler, a pilodeduwv, or, as Gale translates: veritatis theurgicae studiosus. Dein Sinn ist zu, dein Herz ist tot, is the poetic translation of Jamblichus' words : Nostra enim natura infirma est et imbecillis et parum prospicit, cognatamque habet nullitatem et unica est ei medela erroris ... si possit aliquam divini luminis particulam haurire. And with a poetic power, infinitely greater than that of the philosopher Jamblichus, Goethe calls this breathing and drinking of the divine light Baden im Morgenrot. Moreover, he may have remembered that later theurgists, influenced by the cabala, believed that the true revelation of the divine light came with the dawn of the morning. Der Aufgang hat die grössten Geheimnuss, says the Clavicula Salamonis, and the magic-book Arbatel advises: Olympicos spiritus cum evocare volueris, observa ortum Solis.
2. Filelfo in his Letters, by Professor E. G. Sihler, of New York University.
Neither Voigt or Burckhardt of Germany, nor the English scholars Symonds and Jebb have been quite fair to Filelfo, one of the foremost of the Italian Humanists. Whatever of aureole remains about their heads in the popular estimation of the historical commonplace must vanish upon an exhaustive pe. rusing of their own literary utterances. And few things so vigorously produce in us an overwhelming sense of the profound change in our taste and in the essentials of our own classicism, so called, as such perusal.
Filelfo, however, while his availability (due to his purer Latinity) gave him that notoriety in political manifestoes, and that standing among courtiers which he shared with Bruni, Poggio, Valla, Enea Silvio, and others, - Filelfo, I say, has certain claims on our attention which still deserve our regard. His letters fully reveal the less worthy and more evanescent traits of his class, but they also contain precious data for the history of scholarship, - of sound and genuine scholarship, I mean. Columbia University Library contains a folio of date 1489, Venice, printed but a few years after the death of Filelfo, with all the abbreviations customary in the codices themselves. From this folio were taken the data of this summary.
As to the number of books itself, the arrangement in XVI is quite significant. Both of Cicero's largest collections are so transmitted; we may smile at the artificiality of the imitation if we like, still it was a deliberate one. The first letter is of date Venice, Oct. 10, 1427, this collection extending to February, 1461. It contains roughly some 891 letters, many so brief that we marvel at their insertion, but they contained data suggestive of the tastes and concerns of that century.
Autobiographical: also aims and consciousness of Humanism. Vix primarii ipsi cives in rebus etiam maximis plus habent auctoritatis quam ipse ego' (July 13, 1432, in Florence). “Si lapides ipsi loqui possent, omnes in meas laudes linguas solverent' (Apr. 13, 1433); meque ad scribendum converti totum quo non praesentibus modo, sed etiam posteris natus fuisse videar' (Mch. I, 1440). .Quod vero cupis pro nostrae amicitiae munere immortalitatis nomini per nos commendari, id quoque in te est' (Mch. 15, 1447).
Having some new codices from Germany, Enea Silvio is sure to have found something 'in tot ac tam plenis et pulverulentis bibliothecis Germaniae, (Febr. 4, 1448). Varro, Cicero, Seneca are 'nostri,' i.e. Italians (Oct. 1, 1450). To duke's secretary at Milan: ‘money! otherwise I shall make contracts with other princes!' (Nov., 1451). “Per doctrinae praestantiam in eorum cognitionem venimus, quibus Dei reddimur simillimi' (Jan. 1, 1452). Of a victory of Sforza, to be recorded in his Sforziad, b. v., 'immortalitati sum commendaturus’ (1453). 'I have determined to publish ten books of letters in this year' (May 5, 1453).
At Rome (1453, July) received from the Humanist pope, Nicholas V, 500 ducats, and had to prolong his sojourn there, that the pope might complete the perusal of Filelfo's Satyrae : — nec prius mihi restituit quam totum lectitaverit.' Was knighted by King Alfonso at Capua, on Corpus Christi day at nine A.M. (1453): also received laurel crown then. His aims in culture: 'cum ipse non poetam minus quam oratorem atque philosophum profiteri debeam' (1455).
To Calixtus III (not at all a Humanist): “You need not be jealous any more of Greek authors: why, you can read them in Latin !' (Febr. 19, 1456). Has begun to write Greek verse also: he intimates, that thus he shall outdo both Cicero and Vergil (1458). Quod habemus memoratu dignum, quod a Graecis non acceperimus'— to the Greek, Cardinal Bessarion; and while pretending that it is arrogant and foolish to vie with the Greeks in versification, he asks the Greek prelate whether he has any book on the quantity of (Greek) syllables (1458). His motive for entering upon the writing of Greek verse: there is actually no versification among the Byzantines now: Filelfo desires to stir up his contemporaries. Have you given my Greek poem to Argyropulos? (1458). Congratulates the Humanist pope, Pius II (Enea Silvio), on his election, August 23, 1458. Pius once was Filelfo's pupil. Him Filelfo calls ó totius sapientiae et bonitatis numen' (Oct. 17, 1458). To a prelate, the cardinal-patriarch of Aquileia, he delineates the Humanist heaven: 'si cognovit rerum a se gestarum ac summae virtutis gloriam in omnem posteritatem diffusum iri’ (Febr. 22, 1460).
Here we will briefly set down such data as illustrate his interests or concerns with specific classic writers both Greek and Latin; particularly also with the acquisition and the copying of codices. As for the Greeks, the chief aim of most other Italians seems to have been the accomplishment of translating the greatest possible number of Greek MSS for the learning and erudition thus obtainable. The power even to read Greek script remained so rare that Filelfo regularly resorted to Greek characters (as a cipher) whenever he wished to keep things in privacy, and the typesetters even of 1489 made sad work of many Greek words or passages in the epistles of our Humanist. I have thought it best to follow merely a chronological order.
1433: undertakes to Latinize verse in Diogenes Laertius for the Camaldulensian Traversari. 1436: he gives Beccadelli's Terence to person named. Cannot lend the Lucretius, it is not his own. 1437: translating Plutarch's .dicteria’ addressed to Trajan, into Latin; a matter of orthography in Gellius: refers to all the codices in Tuscany: —- ' qui et emendatissimi sunt et istorum omnium ut ita dicam, parentes.' A passage in Iliad: cites scholia with notes of Aristotle, Aristarchus, Porphyry. 1439: desires his own codex of Vergil and likewise that of the commentator Servius remitted to him from Bologna. 1440 to Aurispa : You are a regular trader in codices. What have you for sale? I have none for sale. Quintilian's declamationes smack of Hispanitas (in this judgment Filelfo imitates Pollio on Livy). The Horace and Cicero of Victorinus (da Feltre) I have given to the man you named. I would like to see Plato's Laws or Republic, or Xenophon's Memorabilia. To Cyriacus of Ancona about inscriptions. A grammar point: Priscian (in primo de octo orationis partibus). F. thanks the cardinalbishop of Como for despatching to F. the Philo recovered from Aurispa. F. promises to translate for the cardinal the life of Moses from Philo. 1441: is anxious to get at Apollonius Dycolus and Herodian (so often mentioned in Priscian). Byzantine schoolmasters knew nothing of them. 1442: I asked you, Aurispa, for a codex of Strabo to copy; you ask for a Sextus Empiricus with the same intention. Cribellus, please return my Diodorus; you have had the codex for two years. Saxolus of Prato: You want my Pollux : Aurispa has it, the harpy! Antonius Raudensis : You have written against Lactantius. What possessed you? Imitate Augustine, i.e. retract. 1444: Aurispa, lend me Theophrastus tepl DUTWY. I have a Greek copyist ready: do not devise an evasive reply. F. cnumerates