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the counterfeit presentiment of the present. The best-known fables may have been known only to the few, but the majority of spectators of the tragic contests were aware that the play was to deal with the ancestry of the race. With each returning spring the Athenian knew that at the Dionysiac festival he might again behold, in the full splendor and authority of the present, Agamemnon king of men, Priam bereft of so many goodly scns, Helen whose invincible beauty was the spring of desolation; yes the gods themselves, not mere wraiths, but fashioned into living forms and speaking a language worthy of their high estate.

“ The vision of the poet is immediate in proportion to its imaginative quality. Yet in this fictive world of tragedy, where imagination has freest scope, and in every other form of literature, these Greeks, who were possessed by the passion for innovation, restrict the impulse to originality. In motive, scene, and phrase ology the Greeks are possessed by the passion for imitation; and their literature is unique in the coextension of spontaneity with a commemorative instinct' that links its various forms by a chain of associative reminiscence. ..."

Reminiscent phraseology is, at least, less the expression of an inevitable perpetuity of artistic perfection in each single detail than an illustration of that imitative character of Greek literature as a whole which is a result of the superlative advantage possessed by that literature – the priority of its masterpiece. For the best came first. It is the reverential regard for Homer that made language courtesy to its sovereign; it is again the sentiment of the past, rather than the intrinsic superiority of each particular phrase, that prompted recourse to the epic. 'Imagi. nation was forever haunted by the types of humanity established in clear outline by Homer.' Homer was the captain and teacher of the charming tragic company' said Plato ; and Homer had the power of continually adjusting himself to the spirit of each successive age. It was through the influence of Homer that imitation became organic and literary reminiscence inherent in Greek literature.

The address is printed in full in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. XVII (1906).

SECOND SESSION.

THURSDAY MORNING, December 28. The Association was called to order shortly after 9.30 A.M. and resumed the reading of papers.

9. The Terms cyma recta and cyma reversa, by Professor Allan Marquand, of Princeton University.

The Greek words kûua and Kuuátlov, as architectural terms, were presumably selected because of the frequent wave-like form of such mouldings. Greek usage, however, soon disregarded the form and used these terms to designate any form of crowning moulding. The Latin cymatium and the Italian cimatio also signified a crowning moulding, regardless of its form.

The distinction between the regular and the reverse wave moulding was first made by Alberti, de Re Aedificatoria, (Lib. vii, Cap. vii) and was designated gola diritta and gola reversa by his successors, Vignola, Palladio and Scamozzi. This terminology had some influence on the architectural literature of northern Europe, but a more national terminology has recently prevailed in France and Germany. In England the distinction first appears as cima recta and cima reversa in Leoni's translation of Palladio (1715) and as cynia recta and cyma reversa in Stuart and Revett's Antiquities of Athens (1762). Whether theoretically justifiable or not, the terms cyma recta and cyma reversa have been accepted by the best English and American authorities, and there seems to be no immediate prospect of their being replaced by more specifically English terms.

See also American Journal of Archaeology, vol. X, p. 85, and 282 ff.

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10. Emendation on Caesar, Bellum Gallicum, vi, 30, 4, by Professor Walter Dennison, of the University of Michigan.

The disputed passage is, Sic et ad subeundum periculum et ad vitandum multum fortuna valuit. This is the reading of the a-class. In the manuscripts of the B-class we find in place of multum the unsatisfactory variant, tumultum. Multum in this specific statement is weak and arouses suspicion of its correctness. For this reason and in conformity with Caesarian usage the reading mortem is suggested.

This paper appears in Classical Philology, vol. I, p. 290 f. It was discussed by Professors Sihler, Sanders, Radford, Knapp, Cole, and the author in reply.

11. Ancient Sinope, by Dr. David M. Robinson, of the Johns Hopkins University.

This paper, part of a mɔnograph on Sinope, concerned itself with a description of Sinope and of its environs in the light of a visit there in June, 1903, with a brief résumé of its history, and with its cults.

The southern shore of the Black Sea is like a central mounting billow of the ocean with the hollow trough on each side. The billow and the two hollows, taken together, form the entire southern shore. The outline is symmetrical, so that the crest of this colossal land wave is the middle point of the whole seven hundred miles. The summit of the crest, however, is somewhat flattened, and just at the eastern edge, before it begins to fall away, throws out in a northeasterly direction an altar-shaped promontory which is perhaps a score of miles wide across the top. The projecting easterly horn of this altar is itself a little lofty promontory, upon the low landward neck of which is built Sinope. The Sinopean promontory, called to-day Boz-tepé, is about six hundred feet in height, with precipitous sides and a broad level fertile table-land at the top. Its outline somewhat resembles that of a boar's head, with the highest point at the snout in the extreme east. It is two miles in length from the neck out, and one mile in width. The cretaceous deposits, lying as they do over the volcanic formation, seem to say that the whole promontory was at an early period below the level of

the sea and afterwards was slowly heaved up into its present position. In the north central part of the nearly level plateau there still exists a lake, very shallow at present, but which must have been a crater. The sea dashing against the varying hardness of the trachyte, the black volcanic breccia, the red chalky scaglia, the shelly limestone and the sandstone has chiselled out a mass of sharp projections around the coast, and down at the water-line and below it has hollowed out caves and holes, the younikides of Strabo xii, 545. Descending from the promontory by a gentle slope (cf. Polybius iv, 56) one finds to-day on the site of the ancient Sinope an inner town (Sinub or Sinob) marked off by two walls running across the narrow isthmus, one near the promontory, the other near the mainland. Inside these walls are the Turkish castle and the prison, where once the Sinopean acropolis stood. Outside the walls northeastward is the Greek and Christian quarter. The two walls across the isthmus have been built out of the most heterogeneous materials. In the wall nearest the mainland, on the inside, are arches indicating the remains of a Roman aqueduct, perhaps the one built by Pliny the Younger (cf. Pliny, Ep. x, 90,91). This part of the wall is better built than the rest, and probably goes back to Roman date, whereas the greater portion of this same wall, as well as of the others, was constructed by the Genoese and later by the Turks.

The main factor in the making of Sinope was its double harbor, in both ancient and modern times the best on the southern shore of the Black Sea. In ancient times the southerly harbor was improved, and ruins exist of a mole which seems to be as old as Mithradates the Great, who was born at Sinope. No river flows into either harbor to silt it up, but the northerly one has been shallowed by sand deposits and is no longer usable by vessels of modern draft. It is impossible to give a clear picture of Sinope with its stoas, gymnasium, market-place, great palace of Mithradates, and temple of Serapis in their proper relative positions, since no ruins of these nor any mounded outlines are to be seen. Leaving the task of reconstructing the ancient town as impossible with the present data, this paper turned to the history of Sinope. The very briefest summary must suffice here.

The uncertain figures of Assyrians move in the morning mist of its primitive traditions. Men from Miletus found a colony there, but the Milesian dawn of Greek colonial light is quickly clouded by Cimmerian darkness, and then is rekindled. Then come the blank annals of some 180 years on whose last pages the figure of the barbarian tyrant Timosilaus becomes distinct. The Attic rescue follows and the reënforcement by the 600 new colonists of Pericles. Democratic independence displaces tyrannic subjection. Anon its colonial dependencies are disturbed and excited by Xenophon's Ten Thousand, who have forced their way from the heart of Asia to the sea and along its shore. The great cynic, Diogenes, matures the fearless powers which Athens admired, and the comic poets Diodorus, Dionysius, and Diphilus, who woke its laughter, bringing Sinopean culture to its flower. With Rhodian help its fortifications resist the engines of Mithradates II, but fall before the sudden onset of Pharnaces, his son. The power of the Pontic conquerors brings Sinope to the climax of its political strength under Mithradates the Great, whose linguistic acquirements were only second to his intense military genius, which baffled the utmost power of Rome for nearly half a century. Then comes with Lucullus the inevitable Roman yoke. Then the intricate entanglements of the Middle Ages, and finally Turkish dominion. After speaking of Sinope's natural situation and its history, the paper closed by speaking of its cults.

Many deities were worshipped at Sinope. The literary evidence is scant, consisting of Strabo's account of an oracle of Autolycus and of what Tacitus, Plutarch, Macrobius, and Clemens of Alexandria say about Ptolemy Soter securing the image of Serapis from Sinope. But the inscriptions upon altars and upon other stones, together with the legends and figures on coins, afford a considerable bulk of testimony. By collating this we find at Sinope cults of seven gods out of the Great Twelve: Zeus, Apollo, Athena, Hermes, Ares, Poseidon, and Demeter; cults also of five of the later importations: Dionysus, Asclepius, the Dioscuri, Serapis, and Isis; still further, of four mythical heroes : Autolycus, Phlogius, Heracles, and Perseus, who in one inscription is called a Cynic because he too carries a pouch and in place of the Cynic's staff the apan; of four astral divinities: Helios, Selene, Aquarius, and Sirius; and lastly of six of the abstract or generalized conceptions : Nemesis, Themis, Eros, Nike, Hygieia, and Fortuna. Sinope also knew of the monotheistic trend, for an altar dem uerály uy loty was found there. The cult of the Emperors, which in the provinces was so strong as a political and social unifying force, Aourished in Paphlagonia, where there was, for example, a temple and cult of Augustus. A similar worship doubtless existed in Sinope. We have evidence of Christianity at Sinope in the cross upon tombstones and in inscriptions. Many of the Christians, about whom Pliny the Younger wrote in his famous letter to Trajan, must have lived in Sinope, for “the contagion of this superstition seized upon the cities," of which this was the most important.

This contribution may be found in the American Journal of Philology, vol. XXVII, pp. 126-153.

12. Plautine Synizesis: a Study of the Phenomena of brevis coalescens, by Professor Robert S. Radford, of Elmira College.

This paper will be found in the TRANSACTIONS.

13. Cicero's Villas: A Comparative Study, by Nathan Wilbur Helm, of the Phillips Exeter Academy.

This paper dealt with the following villas: the Arpinas, the Formianum, the Tusculanum, the one near Antium, the one at Astura, the Cumanum, the Puteolanum, and the Pompeianum. It discussed them from the standpoint of location, age, style, periods of occupancy by Cicero, and their relation to various events in his life, and to his various publications. As the paper was general in character, and the writer hopes to find time to enter into this subject more in detail, he refrains from making a more extensive abstract at this time.

14. The Reputed Influence of the dies natalis in determining the Inscription of Restored Temples, by Professor Duane Reed Stuart, of Princeton University.

This paper is printed in full in the TRANSACTIONS.

15. Medea's Marriage Problem, by Professor J. E. Harry, of the University of Cincinnati.

Meineke emended Eur. Medea 240 to read ws uálcota xpňoetal OUVEVVÉT), translating quibus modis tractandus sit maritus. He is followed by many editors. But Tws xpoeta, is not paralleled in Greek poetry (nor is it very frequent in prose), the normal construction being rl xphoet al. Moore, in his revision of Allen's edition, retains the Ms reading (874), and renders xpňoeta. OUVEUVÉT I by manage her husband. But xpño ai does not mean “manage” in any period of the literature. Medlea means simply that it is an extremely difficult question to decide who will prove the best man to live with — xpîtal kal ovši, as Demosthenes says (1. 14). Cf. Plutarch, Dion. 17 w uálcota Tŵr 'Aonmoi pilwv έχρητο και συνδιοτάτο. The problem τω δεί χρήσθαι has presented itself to both sexes in all ages. Hesiod says μάλιστα γαμεϊν ήτις σέθεν εγγύθι ναίει. Our old dramatists are full of situations such as Medea says the marriageable maid must sace. Cf. Marston, Antonio and Mellida; Shakspere, Two Gentlemen of Verona (1.2), Merchant of Venice (1. 2). The wife is not supposed to hold the reins (the image in “ manage ") — she is part of the team itself. Cf. Xen. Oec. 7. 18. With Med. 242 compare Plato, Phaedr. 254 A. Alcibiades defines xowuévwv dv@purwv å vopumoL (1 Alcib. 1250) by kouvwvoúvrwv. In Med. 240 the last two words signify yameital. Cf. 1001 and Plato, 1 Alcib. 129 C. One must possess before one can use (é xortes xpued' &v), must get before one can possess (KÉKT NOU kai xpô, Xen. Cyrop. 8. 3. 50); but xenoba, may include or presuppose é xelv and KEKTNO bau. Many authors use the two verbs almost interchangeably (ποικιλία).

Liddell and Scott quote xpñolai from Xenophon's Symposium (2. 10) as meaning “manage.” This is a mistake. Socrates, in reply to a question of Antisthenes how it comes that he does not train Xanthippe, explains: kåyw on βουλόμενος ανθρώποις χρήσθαι και ομιλείν, ταύτην κέκτημαι (= χρώμαι) ευ ειδώς ότι εί ταύτην υπoίσω (note καθέξω, supra), ραδίως τοίς γε άλλοις άπασιν ανθρώπους ouvéo ouai. Note particularly that when Antisthenes puts the question, he does not say é xels, nor kéKT NO AI (the word used later by Socrates), but xpô.

For the combination μάλιστα χρήσεται compare Lys. 19. 18 πολλούς δή μάλλον έχρητο ή το εμώ πατρί, Isoc. 16. 25 μάλιστ' αυτώ χρώμενοι, 17. 47 και μάλιστ' ετύγχανον πάντων των εν τη πόλει χρώμενος, Isae. 3. 19 οίς αν τυγχάνωμεν χρώμενοι μάλιστα, Hyper. 1. 5 χρήται τούτοις πάντων μάλιστα.

The meaning of the verse, then, is (to quote Xen. Oec. 7. 11) Tlv' &v koirwrdy βέλτιστον οίκου τε και τέκνων λάβοιμεν (cf. 953). In the general statement a special application lurks - Medea is thinking of herself (cf. 18, 23, 31, 35, 166, 441, 483, 502). Oľkobev means precisely what Earle says it means (“ at home"), not “from one's own resources," as Liddell and Scott take it. Medea is a γυνή εις Ελληνικά ήθη άφιγμένη, whereas Helen is a γυνή Ελληνίς transported to a barbarian land: πατρίδος θεοί μ' άφιδρύσαντο γής | εις βάρβαρ' ήθη (Εur. Ηel. 273 f.).

But Meineke's tractandus sit would be xpn xpño ao bau. Cf. Eur. Fr. 901. Wecklein conjectured 8rw ... xaploetal, which contains as naïve an inquiry for a maiden as Meineke's Otws xpoetai (see Ar. Eq. 517). Conjecturarum plena sunt omnia. But we may say, with Porson, nulla opus est mutatione. Medea

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