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mum imperfectumque librum suppleverit. After quoting from Cicero and Hirtius, de commentariis Caesaris, and recording the criticism of Asinius Pollio, he adds: Reliquit et de Analogia duos libros et Anticatones totidem, ac praeterea poema quod inscribitur Iter. Quorum librorum primos in transitu Alpium, cum ex citeriore Gallia conventibus peractis ad exercitum rediret, sequentes sub tempus Mundinensis proelii fecit; novissimum, dum ab urbe in Hispaniam ulteriorem quarto et vicesimo die pervenit. Though Suetonius uses liber as a descriptive term when referring to Hirtius's supplement to the Gallic War, it is not easy to see why, even with the passages of Cicero and Hirtius before him, he should consistently have used commentarii of Caesar's Gallic and Civil wars and libri of the other works of Caesar, unless consciously or unconsciously reflecting a difference in the titles. of the works as they were known to him.

As a part of the title of the Gallic War commentarii must have been preceded by the name of the author in the genitive case, and followed by some word or phrase limiting its meaning; for the concept 'source book' or 'memoranda' suggests the question, "Of what?" We should expect to find the limiting word, if a noun, in the genitive. Aulus Gellius, to be sure, speaking of a family record (xiii, 20, 17) has laudationes funebres et librum commentarium de familia Porcia; but here commentarium is an adjective agreeing with librum, which is regularly used with the name of a work in the ablative, and elsewhere he not infrequently has a genitive, as in commentariis lectionum antiquarum, referring to a work by Caesellius Vindex (vi, 2, 1; xx, 2, 2); commentariis harum noctium, speaking of his own work which he professed to regard merely as a collection of excerpts (xviii, 4, 11); and earum omnium rerum commentarios, of the writings of Aristotle (xx, 5, 6). Cicero, Hirtius, and Suetonius, all have a genitive limiting commentarii referring to the works of Caesar; and this genitive will give us a clue to the remaining part of our title.

Cicero, in the Brutus, has commentarios quosdam rerum suarum; Hirtius, near the beginning of his preface, Caesaris nostri commentarios rerum gestarum Galliae; and Suetonius,

as we have seen, writes rerum suarum commentarios Gallici civilisque belli Pompeiani. While we know less about the sources and literary methods of Suetonius than we should like to know, it is, nevertheless, safe to say that his cast of mind was that of a grammarian rather than of a historian. In the case of one of Caesar's orations he took the pains to consult several copies (Div. Iul. 55 in quibusdam exemplaribus invenio. . .) in regard to a doubtful point; and it may be taken for granted that he had a first-hand acquaintance with the Dictator's other works. But if, as one familiar with the usage of some modern editors might assume, the titles of the Gallic and the Civil War in Suetonius's manuscripts were commentarii Gallici belli and commentarii civilis belli, why do we have rerum suarum in his descriptive phrase thrust into the construction between commentarios and belli? The answer is plain he is using rerum suarum, as Cicero did, for rerum suarum gestarum, but he is not copying Cicero, because he writes with much more detail than Cicero does in the passage of the Brutus which he quotes in this connection; he is adapting the title C. Iuli Caesaris commentarii rerum gestarum, quoted by Hirtius as Caesaris commentarios rerum gestarum, so that it will form a part of a sentence and fit into his narrative. But what of Gallici civilisque belli Pompeiani? The point of view of the student to whom the events of the end of the Republic appear in a distinct and colorless perspective is very different from that of a Roman of Caesar's time. Looking back upon the conquest of Gaul as an accomplished fact, we think of the Gallic War as a single series of operations, just as we think of the American Revolution, which lasted nearly as long, or even of the Thirty Years' War, though the impression of unity is perhaps less distinctly felt in the English designation of the last than in the German, der dreissigjährige Krieg. But there is nothing in Caesar's work to warrant the view that he would have used Gallicum bellum or bellum Gallicum as a part of his title.

The operations of Caesar in Gaul were directed against many peoples, differing as widely as Aquitanians from Galli, Galli from Germans, and Belgians from Britons. We are,

therefore, not surprised to notice that, in addition to the frequent employment of bellum in common idioms, he uses the word to designate a single campaign or definite and decisive movement against a particular enemy; when more than one campaign is thought of, he has the plural. Thus we find bellum Helvetiorum (B.G. i, 30, 1) of the campaign against the Helvetians; Ariovisti bellum (v, 55, 2) of the campaign against Ariovistus; duo maxima bella (i, 54, 2) of the campaigns against the Helvetians and against Ariovistus viewed as a single season's work; bellum Venetorum (iii, 16, 1), and Veneticum bellum (iii, 18, 6; iv, 21, 4) of the conquest of the maritime states; Germanicum bellum (iv, 16, 1) of the annihilation of the Usipetes and Tencteri; Britannicum bellum (v, 4, I) of the second expedition to Britain; bellum Treverorum et Ambiorigis (vi, 5, 1) and bellum Ambiorigis (vi, 29, 4) of the operations against the Treveri and Ambiorix; Gallica bella (iv, 20, I quod omnibus fere Gallicis bellis hostibus nostris inde subministrata auxilia intellegebat) of all the campaigns of the first three years and the early part of the fourth; also, and especially to be noted, Gallica bella admitted by the editors in two passages of the Civil War where the reference is to all the campaigns in Gaul reckoned together: (iii, 2, 3) Atque eae ipsae copiae hoc infrequentiores imponuntur, quod multi Gallicis tot bellis defecerant; and (iii, 59, 1) Erant apud Caesarem equitum numero Allobroges II fratres. . . quorum opera Caesar omnibus Gallicis bellis optima fortissimaque erat usus. The singular Gallicum bellum occurs in one passage (B. G. v, 54, 4): . . . ut praeter Haeduos et Remos, quos praecipuo semper honore Caesar habuit, alteros pro vetere ac perpetua erga populum Romanum fide, alteros pro recentibus Gallici belli officiis, nulla fere civitas fuerit non suspecta nobis. The services referred to were rendered in the campaign of 57; their character may be inferred from the details given in Book ii, 3-6. There is no evidence that any help was received from the Remi in any other campaign prior to the latter part of the year 54, the period treated toward the end of Book v; 'the Gallic campaign' is then the campaign of the year 57, which is so designated to distinguish it from

the campaigns against the Helvetians and Ariovistus in 58 and the various operations of the years 56, 55, and 54.

The operations recorded in the Civil War, though widely extended, were in reality directed against a single enemy, and here, if anywhere, one might expect to meet with the singular bellum covering the entire series. But the campaign in 49 against Afranius and Petreius in Spain is called maximum bellum (iii, 47, 5); in Curio's address to his soldiers before Utica we find Africum bellum (ii, 32, 13), and at the end of the work, bellum Alexandrinum (iii, 112, 12). In the light of these passages it seems necessary to conclude that when in the third book Caesar writes confecto bello (as 57, 5) and bello perfecto (18, 5), he has in mind not the civil war as a whole, but the operations against Pompey in 48, on the east coast of the Adriatic and in Thessaly, which culminated in the battle of Pharsalus. Nor does he use civile bellum in such a way as to reflect the comprehensive signification required for a title. In one of the two passages in which the phrase is found, though the text is in an unsatisfactory condition, the reference is clearly to a state of civil war (ii, 29, 3); in the other (iii, 1, 4 qui se illi initio civilis belli obtulerant), the thought is of the breaking out of hostilities between citizens, 'at the commencement of civil strife,' rather than of the civil war as a historical unity; in ante bellum (iii, 1, 2) the sense more nearly approaches that of bellum in titles. Caesar seems. to avoid the use of civile bellum, as he sought to avoid the war itself; so in the letter in which he tried to persuade Cicero, after hostilities had commenced, to remain neutral, mild phrases are used instead (Cic. ad Att. x, 8, B. 2): Postremo, quid viro bono et quieto et bono civi magis convenit quam abesse a civilibus controversiis? neque tutius neque.

honestius reperies quicquam quam ab omni contentione abesse. In the Civil War civilis dissensio also occurs (i, 67, 3; cf. iii, 1, 3).

When Caesar wrote the Gallic War the events of the civil war were yet in the future. Still, apart from the evidence furnished by an examination of his usage, we may well question whether he would have thought it expedient to use bellum

in the title of this work, even in the plural. His appointment in Gaul, as in the case of other proconsuls, included civil as well as military functions; and, though in his administration deeds of war overshadowed and obscured the deeds of peace, it must be remembered that his career of conquest had been sharply criticised and even viewed with alarm at Rome. He was not so lacking in tact as to characterize the work in which he gave to the Roman people an account of his stewardship by a term exclusively, to some offensively, military. A chief distinction of the Gallic War as a narrative of events at the same time truthful and favorable to the author, lies in the skill with which Caesar the writer unobtrusively leads the reader, step by step, to see how Caesar the proconsul, in order to protect the interests which Rome already had in Gaul, was obliged to carry the work of conquering on from one stage to another until the whole country was subdued. The case is still stronger against the use of civile bellum as a part of the original title of the Civil War; even Hirtius in his preface avoids a phrase of so unpleasant associations, and instead has civilis dissensio, though he does not hesitate to speak of the Alexandrine and African "wars" both separately and together (Mihi ne illud quidem accidit, ut Alexandrino atque Africano bello interessem; quae bella . . .).

But with rerum gestarum in the title of the Gallic War, there was no need of Gallici belli or another phrase to define the scope of the work more closely. Caesar uses res gestae, as also res gesta, with almost a complete blending of noun and verb concepts to express a single idea, as B.C. ii, 31, 3 Quasi non et felicitas rerum gestarum exercitus benevolentiam imperatoribus et res adversae odia concilient! Ibid. iii, 106, 3 Sed Caesar confisus fama rerum gestarum infirmis auxiliis proficisci non dubitaverat aeque omnem sibi locum tutum fore existimans; B. G. v, 47, 4 Labienus interitu Sabini et caede cohortium cognita. rem gestam in Eburonibus perscribit. An indication of the content of res gestae in Caesar's mind is given in the same speech of Curio, previously quoted (B.C. ii, 32, 5): An vero in Hispania res gestas Caesaris non audistis? duos pulsos exercitus? duos superatos

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