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Page 605 - Though poor the peasant's hut, his feasts though small, He sees his little lot the lot of all ; Sees no contiguous palace rear its head, To shame the meanness of his humble shed...
Page 319 - That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to give directions; that a Minister may be sent to Paris, to treat with those persons who exercise provisionally the functions of Executive Government in France, touching such points as may be in discussion between his Majesty and his Allies, and the French Nation...
Page 420 - What ! must the bowels of Great Britain be torn out — her best blood be spilt — her treasure wasted — that you may make an experiment? Put yourselves — oh ! that you would put yourselves — in the field of battle, and learn to judge of the sort of horrors that you excite. In former wars a man might, at least, have some feeling, some interest, that served to balance in his mind the impressions which a scene of carnage and of death must inflict.
Page 383 - Are there no means of coming to an understanding ? How can the two most enlightened nations of Europe, powerful and strong beyond what their safety and independence require, sacrifice to ideas of vain greatness the benefits of commerce, internal prosperity, and...
Page 409 - But between nations it is more than ridiculous. It is criminal. It is a ground which no principle can justify, and which is as impracticable as it is impious. That two nations should be set on to beat one another into friendship, is too abominable even for the fiction of romance; but for a statesman seriously and gravely to lay it down as a system upon which he means to act, is monstrous. What can we say of such a test as he means to put the French Government to, but that it is hopeless ? It is in...
Page 387 - We must, then, respect in others the indignation which such an act would excite in ourselves ; and when we see it established on the most indisputable testimony, that both at Pilnitz and at Mantua declarations were made to this effect, it is idle to say that, as far as the Emperor and the King of Prussia were concerned, they ^-were not the aggressors in the war. "Oh! but the decree of the igth of November 1792 ! that, at least,
Page 385 - Were we not told, as an unanswerable argument against treating, " that she could not hold out another campaign — that nothing but peace could save her — that she wanted only time to recruit her exhausted finances — that to grant her repose was to grant her the means of again molesting this country, and that we had nothing to do but persevere for a short time, in order to save ourselves forever from the consequences of her ambition and her Jacobinism...
Page 81 - But these are still only branches, and derive their origin and their nutriment from their common parent; they may be lopped off; and the Tree is a Tree still; shorn indeed of its honours, but not, like them, cast into the fire. The Kingly Government may go on, in all its functions, without Lords or Commons: it has heretofore done so for years together, and in our times it does so during every reccss of Parliament; but without the King his Parliament is no more.
Page 607 - ... indeed and fallacious mark, but the be-st, and perhaps the only one, that can be devised. But then it should be remembered, that as the connexion between popery and jacobitism, which is the sole cause of suspicion, and the sole justification of those severe and jealous laws which have been enacted against the professors of that religion, was accidental in its origin, so probably it will be temporary in its duration ; and that these restrictions ought not to continue one day longer than some visible...