After this triumphant majority the bill was speedily carried through the different stages of the committee, and of the second and third readings. Several amendments were made, of which the only important one was that made by Sir Samuel Romilly in relation to Scotland. The power of committal was now there, as in England, to be exercised only upon a warrant signed by one of the principal secretaries of state. That power had formerly been left in the hands of even a subordinate magistrate. The third reading was carried by a majority of 265 against 103. The amendments were then carried up to the House of Lords, and on the 3d of March were agreed to, and the bill passed.

The bill for restraining seditious meetings was also carried through, though not in so rapid a manner. On the 10th March, Sir James Mackintosh moved an amendment, by which the punishment of death, pronounced upon those who did not disperse in an hour after warning given by a magistrate, should be commuted to transportation for seven years. It was negatived by 70 to 26. Sir James moved also that, in the clause authorising the magistrate to apprehend those who stirred up the people to hatred and contempt of the government and constitution, the word government might be omitted, as being a term often used as synonymous with the existing administration. The in

ference was denied by ministers, and the clause was rejected by 43 to 16. Two clauses were however introduced, exempting the East India College and societies incorporated by royal charter or act of parliament. The third reading of the bill was carried, on the 14th of March, by a majority of 179 to 44. The bill was then carried to the Lords, where it received several amendments, of which the only important one was that which prohibited any public meetings from being held within a mile of the Houses of Parliament and Westminster-hall. The bill, however, was argued against at considerable length, particularly by Lord Erskine ; but it was carried by a majority of 111 to 23. Eight lords protested. The amendments were agreed to by the Commons, with the exception of a trifling one respecting a penalty of 501., on the principle, that the House would admit no alteration in any thing connected with money. The amendment was agreed to by the Lords, and the bill was passed on the 29th March, before the Easter holidays.

The bills for the protection of the person of the Prince Regent against treasonable practices, and for the prevention and punishment of attempts to seduce persons serving in the army and navy, passed both the Houses without a vote, and with few observations. They were both made perpetual.

VOL. X. PART I.

E

THE most important of the provisions which had now received the sanction of parliament were only to continue in force till the period when the session was to close, leaving room for their renewal or expiry, according as the country should subside into a settled and tranquil state. During this interval, however, events occurred, affording ample room for proposing the renewal of these restraints. The metropolis, indeed, exhibited no alarming symptoms, and repeated meetings took place, even on the critical spot of Spafields, without any disturbance. The country, however, disappointed in its expectation of receiving the lead from London, began to move of itself. Manchester, the metropolis of the cotton trade, was the centre of agitation; a circumstance which too clearly pointed to distress as the source of irritation, or the engine employed by the agents of disorder to produce it. Great, how ever, as was the sympathy due to the want of employment under which the manufacturers laboured, it was impossible to allow them to employ their unwelcome leisure in new-modelling the British constitution.

On the 10th of March, Manchester became the scene of an extraordinary

commotion. The leaders of the reformers circulated proposals that the whole body, providing themselves with blankets and knapsacks, should proceed to London, and there present in person, to the Prince Regent, a statement of their grievances, with a petition for redress. They were believed to be encouraged by reports of a most numerous body of allies who were on their way from Scotland, and whose van had even entered Preston. It was expected that they would continually gather strength as they proceeded, and that in passing through Stockport, Derby, Nottingham, Coventry, Birmingham, and other large towns of this most populous part of England, they would be reinforced by a great proportion of the inhabitants, not to mention arms and other equipments with which they would be supplied. The object of all this machinery very evidently was, that the petition might be presented in such a shape as might render perilous a refusal to grant the prayer contained in it. The doubts as to the reality of this meditated expedition were dispelled by a placard which appeared on the 8th, appointing a meeting on the 10th, near St Peter's church, and expressing a hope, that all those who intended to

proceed to London should supply them selves with the requisite means " for this loyal and necessary undertaking." It concluded with stating, that persons were ready to receive contributions for the promotion of this purpose. The aspect of this undertaking was judged by the magistracy to be such, as to call for their active interference. A great number of special constables was sworn in, while four troops of cavalry, and a detachment of the 85th foot were kept on the watch. In the morning, vast crowds were seen pouring into Manchester from every direction, to the number, it has been supposed, of 60,000, which, however, is probably exaggerated, as it is admitted that there were at no time more than 10 or 12,000 present on the field. Of these a large proportion, according to instruction, were provided with blankets and knapsacks, preparations for the journey on which they were destined. About nine, a temporary stage was erected on a cart, round which the orators seated themselves, one being employed to invite as many as possible to concur in the design, while another took down the names, another received contributions, &c. On a sudden, by a dexterous movement ofthe magistrates and troops, the cart was surrounded, and all its contents taken into custody. A movement of the cavalry then scattered the multitude in every direction. A large body of the blanketeers, however, adhered to their purpose, and took their departure on the road to Stockport. On arriving there, they found the bridge occupied by two troops of cavalry; but a number throwing themselves into the river where it was fordable, they succeeded in turning that barrier, and entered Stockport. By the activity of the police and military, many were arrested in the streets, and most of the remainder deterred from advancing. About five hundred only penetrated, and push ed on to Macclesfield, where they were

received by another troop of dragoons, and not above twenty were supposed to reach the borders of Staffordshire. Of the great number apprehended on this occasion, most were dismissed in a few days, on expressing contrition for their error, and promises of peaceful behaviour in future.

After the breaking up of this extraordinary explosion, the disaffected districts remained for some time in a state of apparent tranquillity. The agitators, however, were only planning in secret bolder and more desperate schemes. These were soon brought to maturity; and, before the end of March, the magistrates of Manchester announced their knowledge of a plan for a general insurrection, to take place on the 30th. By a simultaneous movement, the magistrates were to be seized, the prisons thrown open, the soldiers either surprised in their barracks, or thrown into confusion, firing several of the factories. They expected to muster from 2 to 3000 men for the immediate execution of the plan, after which, their numbers would speedily swell to 5000. The introduction of troops, the knowledge that their plan was discovered, and the seizure of a number of the ringleaders, prevented any attempt to carry this plot into execution. After this second disappointment, the activity of their measures was for some time intermitted; but towards the end of April, its activity was renewed, though in a more secret and cautious manner. Correspondence was now avoided as much as possible, and it was strongly recommended to conceal the names of the leaders. The business was now conducted by delegates, who met in small numbers, and carried on an extensive but verbal correspondence among the disaffected. Derbyshire, Nottingham, and the West Riding of Yorkshire, appear to have become the centre of action. About the middle of May, a new expedition to London

seems to have been planned; and as the migratory petitioners were now to be supplied with arms, either provided beforehand, or seized on their way from individuals and depôts, the character of insurrection would have been no longer equivocal. Various reasons induced the postponement of this measure to the 9th and 10th; and its execution on a great scale was finally protracted by the activity of the magistrates. The borders, however, of the counties of Derby and Nottingham presented a certain form of insurrection. One Brandreth, called the Nottingham Captain, collected at Pentridge a band of about a hundred men, with which he proceeded through Ripley and Eastwood, towards Nottingham. Mr Rolleston, the magistrate, came from that town to reconnoitre, and finding the hostile attitude in which this body was moving, returned, and directed a troop of hussars to attack them. At sight of the hussars, the insurgents took to flight, and dispersed in every direction. The ringleaders were taken, and afterwards brought to trial. The full account of the proceedings on that occasion, given in the Appendix, (p. 16,) will be found to include the details of this rash and desperate sally. This course of proceeding, even prior to the occurrence of the last part of it, clearly shewed the country to be in a state as disturbed as when parliament, as noticed in the last chapter, had been induced to arm government with extraordinary powers. The presentiment of an application for their renewal was felt even in the opposition side of the House; and, on the 15th May, Mr Ponsonby, alluding to the expiry of the former acts on the 1st July, requested to know, what were the intentions of ministers before the members should begin to withdraw into the country. Lord Castlereagh replied, that ministers felt it their duty to advise the Prince Regent to make a fresh com

munication to parliament on the state of the country; and judged it candid to add, that it was their intention to propose the continued suspension of the Habeas Corpus, till the commencement of the next session. He stated also, in reply to Mr Brougham's inquiry, that the first measure proposed would be a committee of inquiry, similar to that at the beginning of the session.

On the 3d June, the message from the Prince Regent was sent to both Houses, in which, as on the former occasion, he submitted to their inspection papers tending to prove the disturbed state of the country. In both Houses, it was determined to refer these, as before, to a secret committee. In the House of Lords, the same noblemen were named as before, with the exception of the Duke of Bedford, who declined, and the Earl of Talbot was named in his stead. In the House of Commons, Sir J. Newport proposed an entirely new committee, in which Lord George Cavendish, Lord G. Russell, and Sir S. Romilly were introduced, while, of the ministers, Mr Vansittart and Mr. H. Addington were substituted for Lord Castlereagh and Mr Canning. This was negatived by 126 to 66, and the former committee re-appointed.

In a few days the reports of the committees were presented to the two Houses. The committee of the Lords stated, that though, by the active exertions of the government, and particularly of the magistrates, in execution of the general laws, and of the special powers entrusted to them by parliament, the designs of the conspirators had been frustrated, yet they have reason to believe that the same wicked and desperate projects are still continued. The information on which this conclusion is founded is said to be collected from sources frequently unconnected and unknown to each other,

but the result is said to be uniform, and is also corroborated by a striking coincidence in many minute particulars.

The committee then observe, that their intelligence rests, in many of its parts, upon the testimony of persons who are either themselves implicated in these criminal transactions, or who have apparently engaged in them for the purpose of obtaining information, and imparting it to the magistrates, or the secretary of state.

The committee allow that such testimony must be very questionable; and state, that they have reason to apprehend, that the language and conduct of some of the latter description of witnesses has had the effect of encouraging those designs which it was intended they should only be the means of detecting. But allowing for these circumstances, they are still of opinion, that the statement which they proceed to give is by no means exaggerated, but perfectly warranted by the papers submitted to their inspection.

The committee then take a view of the various transactions which had taken place at Manchester and its vicinity. They announce the intended general rising in the northern counties on the 9th and 10th of June, the intention of which, though frustrated, was proved to have existed, by the intelligence just received of partial in

surrection.

"The committee think it important to state, that many of the most active magistrates, and persons whose civil and military situations enabled them, upon the most extensive information, to form the most accurate opinion, concur in attributing the disappointment of the attempts already made, and the hopes of continued tranquillity, to the exercise of the new powers which parliament intrusted to the executive go. vernment, and to the influence produced by the knowledge that these powers

would be called into action as soon as necessity should justify their employment. They concur likewise in a representation of the danger with which the expiry of these powers at the present moment would threaten the country; and the committee feel, that they should ill discharge the high trust reposed in them, if they did not declare their unreserved assent to this opinion. They, therefore, with the fullest confidence in the loyalty and good dispositions, not only of those classes of the community and those portions of the kingdom which have generally hitherto remained free from disaffection, but of the greatest part of those very districts which are the chief scenes of discontent and of threatened diaturbance, cannot refrain from declaring it as the result of all the information which they have collected, that the time is not yet arrived, when the maintenance of public tranquillity, and the protection of the lives and property of his Majesty's subjects, can be allowed to depend upon the ordinary powers of the law."

The presentation of this report, with one of the same tenor in the Commons, was immediately followed in both Houses by motions for the renewal of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Bill, which gave rise to debates as long and as animated as those which had taken place at its first introduction. The same ground, however, being to be gone over, the speeches on both sides could be little more than a repetition, in different words, of the arguments formerly urged. The only novelty was afforded by some facts, partially admitted by the committee, who, as above, express their apprehension that the designs of the disaffected may have been encouraged by the language and conduct of some of the witnesses. In fact, one Oliver having been apprehended in Yorkshire, as one of the most active ringleaders of sedition, was, on being brought before Sir John