So that there remained nothing but opening the mortars upon this William of the Wastle; which did gar him gang down,-more fool than he went up. We also read how Colonel Hacker and others rooted out bodies of Mosstroopers from Strength after Strength; and 'took much oatmeal,' which must have been very useful there. But this little Entry, a few days subsequent to that of Willie Wastle, affected us most: Letters that the Scots in a village called Geddard arose, and armed themselves; and set upon Captain Dawson as he returned from pursuing some Mosstroopers;-killed his guide and trumpet; and took Dawson and eight of his party, and after having given them quarter, killed them all in cold blood.'* In which Village called Geddard,' do not some readers recognize a known place, Jeddart or Jedburgh, friendly enough to Mosstroopers; and in the transaction itself, a notable example of what is called 'Jeddart Justice,'-killing a man whom you have a pique at; killing him first, to make sure, and then judging him!—However there come Letters too, 'That the English soldiers married divers of the Scots women ;' which was an excellent movement on their part:-and may serve as the concluding feature here. LETTER CIX. THE 'Empson' of this Letter, who is now to have a Company in Hacker's regiment, was transiently visible to us once already, as 'Lieutenant Empson of my regiment,' in the Skirmish at Musselburgh, four months ago.† Hacker is the well-known Colonel Francis Hacker, who attended the King on the scaffold; having a signed Warrant, which we have read, addressed to him and two other Officers to that effect. The most conspicuous, but by no means the most approved of his military services to this Country! For which one indeed, in overbalance to many others, he was rewarded with death after the Restoration. A Rutlandshire man; a Captain from the beginning of the War; and rather favorably *14 Feb., 1650 (Whitlocke, p. 464). † Letter LXXXVII., p. 443 visible, from time to time, all along. Of whom a kind of continuous Outline of a Biography, considerably different from Caulfield's and other inane Accounts of him,* might still be gathered, did it much concern us here. To all appearance, a somewhat taciturn, somewhat indignant, very swift, resolute and valiant man. He died for his share in the Regicide; but did not profess to repent of it;-intimated, in his taciturn way, that he was willing to accept the results of it, and answer for it in a much higher Court than the Westminster one. We are indeed to understand generally, in spite of the light phrase which Cromwell reprimands in this Letter, that Hacker was a religious man; and in his regicides and other operations did not act without some warrant that was very satisfactory to him. For the present he has much to do with Mosstroopers; very active upon them; for which 'Peebles' is a good locality. He continues visible as a Republican to the last; is appointed 'to raise a regiment' for the expiring Cause in 1659,-in which, what a little concerns us, this same 'Hubbert' here in question is to be his Major.† To the Honorable Colonel Hacker, at Peebles or elsewhere: These. SIR, 'Edinburgh,' 25th December, 1650. I have 'used' the best consideration I can, for the present, in this business; and although I believe Captain Hubbert is a worthy man, and hear so much, yet, as the case stands, I cannot, with satisfaction to myself and some others, revoke the Commission I had given to Captain Empson, without offence to them, and reflection upon my own judgment. I pray let Captain Hubbert know I shall not be unmindful of him, and that no disrespect is intended to him. But indeed I was not satisfied with your last speech to me about Empson, That he was a better preacher than fighter or soldier,—or words to that effect. Truly I think he that prays and preaches best will fight best. I know nothing 'that' will give like courage and confidence as the knowledge of God in Christ will; and I bless God to see any in this Army able and willing to impart * Caulfield's High Court of Justice, pp. 83–7; Trials of the Regicides ; &c † Commons Journals, vii., 669, 675, 824. the knowledge they have, for the good of others. And I expect it to be encouraged, by all the Chief Officers in this Army especially; and I hope you will do so. I pray receive Captain Empson lovingly; I dare assure you he is a good man and a good officer; I would we had no I rest, worse. Your loving friend, OLIVER CROMWELL.* LETTER CX. LETTER Hundred-and-tenth relates to the exchange of three Prisoners whom we saw taken in Dunbar Drove, and have had an occasional glimpse of since. Before reading it, let us read another Letter, which is quite unconnected with this; but which lies, as we may see, on the Lord General's table in Moray House in the Canongate while he writes this;—and indeed is a unique of its kind: A Letter from the Lord General's Wife. 6 My Lord Chief Justice' is Oliver St. John, known to us this long while; President' is Bradshaw; Speaker' is Lenthall: high official persons; to whom it were better for the Lord General to take his Wife's advice, and write occasionally. "The Lady Elizabeth Cromwell to her Husband the Lord General at Edinburgh. "Cockpit, London,' 27th December, 1650. "MY DEAREST,-I wonder you should blame me for writing no oftener, when I have sent three for one: I cannot but think they are miscarried. Truly if I know my own heart, I should as soon neglect myself as to 'omit't the least thought towards you, who in doing it, I must do it to myself. But when I do write, my Dear, I seldom have any satisfactory answer; which makes me think my writing is slighted; as well it may but I cannot but think your love covers my weakness and infirmities. "I should rejoice to hear your desire in seeing me; but I desire to *Harris, p. 516; Lansdowne Mss., 1236, fol. 99, contains the address which Harris has omitted. † Word torn out. submit to the Providence of God; hoping the Lord, who hath separated us, and hath often brought us together again, will in His good time bring us again, to the praise of His name. Truly my life is but half a life in your absence, did not the Lord make it up in Himself, which I must acknowledge to the praise of His grace. "I would you would think to write sometimes to your dear friend, my Lord Chief Justice, of whom I have often put you in mind. And truly, my Dear, if you would think of what I put you in mind of some, it might be to as much purpose as others ;* writing sometimes a Letter to the President, and sometimes to the Speaker. Indeed, my Dear, you cannot think the wrong you do yourself in the want of a Letter, though it were but seldom. I pray think on ;† and so rest,-yours in all faithfulness, "ELIZABETH CROMWELL." This Letter, in the original, is frightfully spelt; but otherwise exactly as here: the only letter extant of this Heroine; and not unworthy of a glance from us. It is given in Harris too, and in Noble very incorrectly. And now for the Letter concerning Provost Jaffray and his two fellow prisoners from Dunbar Drove. For the Right Honorable Lieutenant-General David Lesley: These. Edinburgh, 17th January, 1650. SIR, I perceive by your last Letter you had not met with Mr. Carstairs and Mr. Waugh, who were to apply themselves to you about Provost Jaffray's and their release, ‘in exchange' for the Seamen and Officers. But I understood, by a Paper since shown me by them under your hand, that you were contented to release the said Seamen and Officers for those three Persons,-who have had their discharges accordingly. I am contented also to discharge the Lieutenant, in exchange' for the Four Troopers at Stirling, who hath solicited me to that purpose. I have, here enclosed, sent you a Letter, which I desire you tc * The Grammar bad; the meaning evident or discoverable,-and the bad grammar a part of that! think of' is the Lady's old phrase. Milton State-Papers, p. 40 § Custaires. || The next letter. cause to be conveyed to the Committee of Estates; and that such return shall be sent back to me as they shall please to give. I remain, Sir, Your humble servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.* Here is a notice from Balfour:† At Perth, 22d November, 1650 (Rege præsente,' the King being present, as usually after that Flight to the Grampian Hills he is allowed to be), 'the Com. mittee of Estates remits to the Committee of Quarterings the exchange of Prisoners anent Mr. Alexander Jaffray and Mr. John Carstairs, Minister, with some English Prisoners in the Castle of Dunbarton.' Nevertheless at this date, six or seven weeks after, the business is not yet perfected. Alexander Jaffray, as we know already, is Provost of Aberdeen; a leading man for the covenant from of old; and generally the Member for his Burgh in the Scotch Parliaments of these years. In particular, he sits as Commissioner for Aberdeen for the Parliament that met 4th January, 1649;‡ under which this disastrous Quarrel with the English began. He was famed afterwards (infamous, it then meant) as among the first of the Scotch Quakers; he, with Barclay of Urie, and other lesser Fallen-Stars. Personal intercourse with Cromwell, the Secretary and Blasphemer, had much altered the notions of Mr. Alexander Jaffray. Baillie says, He and Carstairs, then Prisoners on parole, were sent Westward, by Cromwell to agent the Remonstrance,'-to guide towards some good issue the Ker-and-Strahan Negotiation which, alas, could only be guided headlong into the ditches at Hamilton before daybreak, as we saw !-Jaffray sat afterwards in the Little Parliament; was an official person in Scotland,§ and one of Cromwell's leading men there. Carstairs, we have to say or repeat, is one of the Ministers of Glasgow deep in the confused Remonstrant-Resolutioner Controversies of that day; though on which side precisely one does Thurloe, i., 172. Leigh Parliament House. † iv., 168. Ousted our friend Scotstarvet,-most unjustly, thinks he of the Staggering State (p. 181). There wanted only that to make the Homily on Life's Nothingness complete! |