Let them imagine an English emigrant peer | try will probably hesitate before he prolanding, in 1822, at Calais or New-York. nounces upon the stability of the English · He is eagerly pressed to describe the hor- mind under the influence of the prodigious rors he has witnessed-to communicate the excitement likely to have arisen from the names of the most illustrious victims-to promulgation of the political innovations give the particulars of the new British re- which Napoleon had prepared for her sepublic. What is his reply? England is duction. If he is wise, he will rejoice that in an awful state. At Bristol, only two in the providence of God his country was hundred miles from my family seat, there saved the trial, and acknowledge with grahas been a dangerous riot and great destruc- titude the inestimable obligations which she tion of property. I have been abused in owes to the illustrious men whose valor the county newspapers. The Times has averted a danger under which her courage, threatened the aristocracy with brickbats indeed, would never have sunk, but to and bludgeons. The Duke of Wellington's which her wisdom might possibly have windows have been broken.' And all this proved unequal.'-(v. 379.) would have been addressed to men who could remember the Reign of Terror, or the forays of Brandt and Butler. The French emigration is a subject for serious blame; but that of the English aristocracy would have defied the gravity of all Europe. We pity and despise the selfish cowardice of a man who flies from a dangerous conflagration, instead of staying to rescue his family and protect his property. But our pity and contempt give way to a sense of the ludicrous, when we hear of his jumping headlong from a garret window, because a few idlers in the street have raised the cry

of fire.

no share.

We have frequently found occasion to dif fer from Mr. Alison, but this is one of the few passages of his work which we have read with serious regret and deep displeasure. Its meaning is simply this-that had Napoleon landed in England, those Englishmen who approved of the reforms he intended to promise, would have deserted their countrymen and joined his army. The calumny is most disingenuously enveloped in the language of pretended self-abasement; but this disguise is too slight to conceal its real nature for a moment. The suspicion expressed by Mr. Alison is obviously applicable only to his political opponents. It is Not only, it seems, are the liberal party therefore of their honor alone that he feels in England prepared to imitate the crimes all this timid distrust. The temptation of of the French Revolution, but they are, or which he expresses so much anxious dread, were, on the point of betraying their coun- is one which could not have attracted him ; try to the actual perpetrators of those the merit which he is so modestly reluctant enormities. After noticing that Napoleon to vaunt, is one in which he could have had had intended to follow his descent upon Great Britain by a proclamation, promising 'all the objects which the revolutionary party in this country have ever had at heart,' Mr. Alison proceeds as follows:-'That the We might easily show that the political French emperor would have been defeated opinions of what Mr. Alison is pleased to in his attempt, if England had remained call the revolutionary party, are perfectly true to herself, can be doubtful to no one. consistent with the national virtues, and .... But would she have remained true to even with the wholesome prejudices, of true herself under the temptation to swerve pro-born Britons. We might plead, that an honduced by such means? This is a point up- est Englishman may consider the British on which there is no Briton who would constitution as the best in the world, withhave entertained a doubt, till within these out thinking it absolutely perfect; that he few years; but the manner in which the may religiously believe himself able to beat public mind has reeled from the applica- three Frenchmen, without longing to be pertion of inferior stimulants since 1830, and petually employed in doing it. We might the strong partiality to French alliance plead, that it is one thing to desire the supwhich has grown up with the spread of de- port of France abroad, and another to inmocratic principles, has now suggested the voke her interference at home; one thing painful doubt, whether Napoleon did not to wish for reform by act of parliament, and know us better than we knew ourselves, another to attempt it by high treason. But and whether we could have resisted those we prefer giving Mr. Alison a practical methods of seduction which had proved fa-proof of the dangerous nature of such rash tal to the patriotism of so many other peo- and odious imputations. We gather two ple...... The warmest friend to his coun- maxims from the elaborate and insidious

This candid renunciation of other people's credit has a twofold advantage; for it combines the grace of humility, with the pleasure of slander.

passage we have just quoted. Every man without warrant, for the attempt has been who wishes for any alterations in the British made. It was thought that a young and inconstitution, is willing to become a traitor experienced Princess might possibly be into obtain them. Every man who wishes for timidated by slander and invective. We the alliance of a foreign power, is willing to will not remind Mr. Alison with what party be its slave. Let us see whether these rules the design originated; but we are sure that will not cut both ways. Mr. Alison is a he remembers, with as much pride and conscientious opponent of Parliamentary re- pleasure as ourselves, the signal defeat form, and a warm admirer of Russia. Sup- which it encountered from the generous inpose a Russian army to land at Leith, and to dignation of the British people. We might proclaim their intention of repealing the go much further than this. We might speak Act of 1832. Is Mr. Alison conscious of the of the general respect, we might almost say slightest inward misgiving lest he should be the general affection, which is felt for the tempted to assist the invaders? Does he present occupant of the throne. We might not feel the same instinctive scorn of such refer to the kindly warmth with which the treachery, as of theft or forgery, or any name of that august lady is almost invariably other infamous crime? And what would be mentioned in society-to the universal grief his sensations if such a suspicion were pub- and alarm excited by the late supposed atlicly expressed, and if some Whig friend of tempts upon her life-to the personal unhis own were to answer it by moralizing up- popularity which certain zealous Conservaon the frailty of human resolution, and ex- tives have incurred by a disrespectful menpressing thankfulness that the test is not tion of her name. Was the return of the likely to be applied? We know and feel fourth of June, we would ask, hailed with a that in such a case we could depend upon more exuberant loyalty than that the expres the loyalty of every respectable Conserva- sion of which made the farthest hills and tive as upon our own; and we are heartily mountains of Scotland echo back its heartsorry, for Mr. Alison's own sake, that he stirring sounds, on the late royal visit to cannot bring himself to feel the same honest this quarter of the Island? confidence in the opposite party.

British loyalty has not, in Mr. Alison's opinion, survived British honor and patriotism. The more advanced of the present generation,' he says, 'still look back to the manly and disinterested loyalty with which, in their youth, the 4th of June was celebrated by all classes, with a feeling of interest increased by the mournful reflection, that amidst the selfish ambition and demo cratic infatuation of subsequent times, such feelings, in this country at least, must be numbered among the things that have been.' -(viii. 22.) We certainly shall not attempt to maintain that the same feverish and thoughtless loyalty now prevails in England, which was so common thirty or forty years ago. We acknowledge our belief that the

men

of the present generation would scarcely abandon an important political measure, because it was understood to be repugnant to the private opinion of a good old King, or even of a good young Queen. But we do sincerely believe that there never was a period when Englishmen felt more solid, sober, trustworthy attachment to the throne than at present. No man having the slightest pretension to political importance, has, of late years, expressed dislike of the monarchical form of government. No man baving the least regard for his character, has with impunity offered any public insult to the reigning monarch. We do not say this

We have now given a few sketches of Mr. Alison's opinions respecting his liberal countrymen. The person holding these sentiments is, we believe, a well-educated gentleman, of respectable talents, of extensive historical information, of a benevolent temper, of strong religious feelings, and of a calm and contemplative turn of mind. With all these means and capacities for forming a candid judgment, he has, as we have seen, made up his mind that in 1803 the reforming party in England were prepared to betray their country to Napoleon

that in 1831 they were bent upon imitating the worst excesses of the French Revolution-and that at the present moment they would rather see the British empire perish than contribute to its aid at the risk of personal inconvenience. And yet with what contempt and indignation would the author of these imputations listen to the ravings of some poor, angry, ignorant, thick-headed Chartist, about the depraved morals and evil designs of the British aristocracy!

Mr. Alison has shown much good sense and impartiality in his remarks upon the policy of the principal European powers towards France. He speaks with just admiration of the persevering courage dis played by England and Austria; but he notices, with equally just severity, the procrastination, the timidity, the obstinate prejudices, and the unreflecting ignorance

com

of military affairs, which deprived both na- the Duke of Brunswick completed in the tions of so many opportunities of victory, field what the King had begun in the cabiand placed such fearful advantages in the net-and a campaign of six weeks left hands of their keen and wary antagonist. Prussia the powerless slave of France for The errors of Prussia were of a more se- as many years. Never, with one terrible rious nature; and Mr. Alison has too much exception, did a civilized sovereign meet sense of moral rectitude not to visit them with a more deserved, a more signal, or a with deserved indignation. We need not more strictly personal chastisement, than retrace his account of the truly degrading Frederick-William. The overthrow of his policy in which, for ten years, the rulers of brave army, the capture of his capital, the that state persisted. The guilty parties misery of his faithful subjects, the shameful have been punished by the scorn of every defection of his most trusted lieutenants— European nation, and of none more signally all this was but the more ordinary part of than their own injured countrymen. We his punishment. He was compelled to atthink, however, that Mr. Alison shows far tend at Tilsit, humiliated by his political too much lenity in his remarks, upon 'the ruin, and embarrassed by his intellectual personal share of Frederick-William, in the incapacity-the helpless suppliant of the disgrace of this period. It is clear, from triumphant Napoleon, and the acute and his own statements, that the treaty by accomplished Alexander. He was which Prussia accepted Hanover from pelled to endure in person the insulting France, as the price of her treason to the neglect, or the supercilious condescension cause of Germany, originated in the un- of his ungenerous enemy, and his faithless principled cupidity of the King himself. ally. He saw his high-minded queen throw Such an instance of political depravity de- herself in tears at the feet of the French served far stronger censure than any which emperor, and receive an obdurate repulse. Mr. Alison has applied to its author. He returned home to witness her melancholy and lingering death-the result of humbled pride and hopeless sorrow. He survived these miserable events many years -he lived to see his country free and victorious, and he ended his life in peace and prosperity. His early want of faith had brought upon him such a prompt and overwhelming punishment as few princes have undergone in this life; and the honorable consistency of his subsequent conduct may induce us to hope that so dreadful a lesson was not inflicted in vain.

The unhappy situation of Prussia from 1795 to 1806 is, in our opinion, a most striking example of what Mr. Alison denies, -the close connection between_political impotence and social insecurity. The Prussians are generally considered admirable specimens of the true German character; -brave, generous, honest to a proverb, and distinguished by a simplicity of manners and a kindness of heart, which has often surprised and delighted the traveller, accustomed to the levity of the French, or the reserve of the English. The ardor which We are glad to find that Mr. Alison's they displayed in the struggles of 1806 and strong monarchical principles have not 1813, proves that they had felt their dis- tempted him to imitate certain historians grace as became an honorable nation. But of that persuasion, in their perverted actheir rulers were irresponsible, and they counts of the Peninsular war. He relates were without a remedy. Had Frederick- the many indelible disgraces incurred by William been a limited sovereign, Napoleon the Spanish nation in his usual tone of calm would have been crushed for ever in the forbearance; but he does not disguise his campaign of 1805. Even as it was, the opinion, that Spain owed to England alone grief and indignation of the people did, her escape-if escape it can be called, from too late, what their legitimate interference becoming a French province. We acknowwould have done speedily and effectually. ledge, however, that while we admire the Frederick-William, though not a man of steady equanimity of Mr. Alison's remarks, strong sense, was not destitute of all manly we have occasionally, in reading this part feeling. The united voice of his honest of his history, felt more inclination to symand loyal subjects, and the rash insults of pathize with the scornful indignation of the French emperor, at length roused him Colonel Napier. We cannot help thinking to a sense of his duty. An army of 120,000 that the resistance of the Spanish nation, men, who had lain idle in their barracks while fortunate as it was for Europe, was actually Napoleon was struggling for life and empire more discreditable to themselves than the in the valley of the Danube, marched to tamest submission. Submission would at encounter him returning in triumph from least have enabled us to suppose that the Austerlitz. A decisive battle was fought-people were not averse to the French yoke.

Thus the passive conduct of the Italian | but a few, of the sieges sustained by their states in 1796, did not destroy the military towns, have done them more honor. The reputation of their citizens. It merely heroic defence of Gerona stands unrivalled, proved that their unhappy political condi- as an example of Spanish skill and valor. tion had, as might be expected, extinguished That of Zaragossa, considered merely as a public spirit among them; and, therefore, military exploit, was one of far inferior no one was surprised at the bravery after- brilliancy. The true glory of that celewards displayed by the Italian corps of brated city consists in the invincible paNapoleon's army. But the struggles of tience with which its defenders endured Spain were as furious as they were feeble; the ravages of pestilence and famine. That and their rancorous violence displayed is a species of courage in which the Spanthe resentment of the nation, without dis- iards have never been deficient. Like many guising its weakness. They made it clear, unwarlike nations, they are endued by their in short, that every Spaniard hated the moral or physical constitution with a pasFrench, but that very few had the courage to sive courage, under suffering, which is meet them in the field. Many of our read- rarely displayed by the bold and hardy ers will remember the enthusiastic sympa- soldiers of northern Europe. But, putting thy which the Peninsular contest excited this out of the question, it was surely no in England. Orators declaimed upon the unparalleled achievement for 30,000 regular impotence of military discipline to with- troops, aided by 15,000 well-armed peastand righteous enthusiasm; as if military sants, to defend an imperfectly fortified discipline tended to extinguish enthusiasm, town for six weeks against 43,000 Frenchor as if enthusiasm were impossible except men. in a righteous cause. Poets wrote sonnets There are persons who think the desulabout the power of armies being a visible tory exploits of the Partidas sufficient to thing, while national spirit was invisible redeem the honor of Spain; and who judge and invincible; as if the spirit which im- of Castilian skill and prowess, not from the pelled a brave German to march manfully disgraces of Blake and Cuesta, but from the to battle, had been less formidable, or less adventurous feats of Mina and the Empecinoble, than that which prompted a Spanish nado. We own that we attach little impeasant to lurk in some remote sierra, portance to the isolated and imperfect sucshooting stragglers and robbing convoys. cesses of such leaders as these. We see But the unsparing exposures of Colonel little glory in firing from a thicket, or rollNapier at once and for ever fixed the opinion of the English nation upon the events of the Spanish war; the substance of his parrative is confirmed, generally speaking, by the more lenient statements of Mr. Alison; and their united testimony shows, that the Spanish nation displayed in that struggle a want of common sense, of common honesty, of veracity, of humanity, and of gratitude, scarcely to be paralleled in the history of Bengal or of China.

To some of our readers-though to none, we think, who have given much attention to the subject these observations may appear unjust and illiberal. Their justice is soon vindicated. Every British writer has allowed that the history of the regular Spanish armies, during the Peninsular war, is a mere tissue of folly, cowardice, and disaster. The shameful names of Somosierra, Rio Seco, Belchite, and Ocana, are sufficient to recall the long succession of their miserable overthrows. Their sole achievement in the field-the surrender of the French army at Baylen--has long been attributed to its true cause-the unaccountable rashness, and more unaccountable despair, of the unhappy Dupont. A few, and

ing rocks down a ravine, especially at a moment when a regular force was vainly summoning recruits for the open defence of Spanish independence. It was not so that the gallant Tyrolese defended their country. They did not desert their Emperor to ensconce themselves in the fastnesses of their mountains. While a hope remained of resisting the enemy in the open field, they were constantly foremost in the ranks of the Austrian army. The partisan warfare of the Spanish peasantry may captivate romantic imaginations; but such are not the means by which a great nation should assert its independence. The details of modern warfare may wear an aspect of formal routine; but it is in the ranks of disciplined armies, with all their unpoetical accompaniments, that the true post of honor and danger is to be found. A regiment of grenadiers trudging along the high-road, may be a less picturesque spectacle than a party of brigands wandering among forests and precipices; but if they do their duty, they incur more risk, and perform more service, and therefore deserve more credit. Even were it otherwise, it is not the bravery of a few straggling guerillas that can efface

the dishonor incurred by the regular Span- good and clever men sometimes feel for cerish armies. It would be a poor consolation tain worthless characters, so long as they to a Spaniard, that his country, with a population of twelve millions, and a military force of 70,000 regular soldiers under arms, found her most effectual defenders in a few thousand undisciplined sharpshooters.

The accusation of illiberality we are less careful to answer. We confess that we have no idea of complimenting away the hardly-won glory of our gallant countrymen-of displaying modesty and generosity at the expense of the heroic army which really delivered the Peninsula. Still less are we restrained by any scruple of delicacy from exposing the infamy of that unworthy ally, whose jealousy constantly thwart ed our generals; whose cowardice repeatedly betrayed our soldiers; whose imbecility caused our dreadful loss at Albuera; who shamefully deserted our wounded at Talavera; and who actually assasinated our stragglers during the retreat from Burgos. The inflexible justice of Angelo is all that we can grant the Spaniards :-if in the strict letter of history they can find credit or excuse, it is well; if not, let them not seek it from us.

are not seriously called upon to form any practical judgment respecting them. The pleasure with which the characters alluded to are contemplated, proceeds entirely from the taste and imagination; and rather resembles our admiration of a striking work of art than our love or esteem for a human being. If this is all that Mr. Alison feels toward Russia, we have little more to say. The prepossession, however, is not such as we should have expected to remark in a British historian of the nineteenth century, nor is its display always regulated by the best taste. Still it may amount to no more than this-that while Mr. Alison acknowledges the numerous faults of the Russian character, he is involuntarily dazzled and attracted by some of its peculiarities. We do not, by any means, sympathize with this feeling; but so long as it does not betray its entertainer into any serious defence of Russian policy, we are content to look upon it as a harmless though somewhat unpleasing caprice.

The most interesting subject of Mr. Alison's history, next to the great Revolution We now come to what we certainly con- which forms the groundwork of the whole, sider the most incomprehensible peculiarity is undoubtedly the character of the extraor of Mr. Alison's work-the strong and appa- dinary man who made that Revolution the rently causeless interest which he seems to instrument of his power. We scarcely feel in favor of the Russian nation. If this know any stronger illustration of the gepredilection had displayed itself by misrep- nius and influence of Napoleon Bonaparte, resentations of the real history of Russia- than the simple fact, that for twenty years by the suppression, or the sophistical pallia- his life and the history of Europe are contion, of her numerous political crimes-it vertible terms. During the whole of that would have called for a tone of remon-time, the annals of the smallest European strance very different from any which Mr. Alison's work has given us occasion to employ. But we have been able to detect no such attempt. Judging solely from the account before us, we should unhesitatingly conclude that the national character of the Russians is very unamiable; that their domestic government is very corrupt; and that their foreign policy is very unprincipled. How far a hostile historian might have aggravated the picture, we shall not venture to pronounce; but certain we are that the ordinary prejudices against Russia require no stronger confirmation than the statements of Mr. Alison. If, after fairly laying the case before his readers, the historian chooses to retain his own prejudices in defiance of his own facts and arguments, we cannot see that we are called upon to interfere. The truth, we suppose, is, that the formidable power and deep policy of Russia have excited in Mr. Alison's mind that species of capricious quasi-admiration, which

state would be absolutely unintelligible without a clear view of the policy and character of the French emperor; and, on the other hand, every change of rulers in the pettiest principality-every intrigue at Petersburg or Naples-every motion in the British Parliament-was of immediate and vital concern to Napoleon. This is more than can be said of any other conqueror or statesman in modern times. The direct influence of Louis, Frederick, and Catharine, was comparatively limited. A Russian or a Turk cared little for the invasion of Holland or the Spanish succession; and an Italian was comparatively indifferent to the conquest of Silesia or the division of Poland. But no such supineness prevailed during the wars of the French empire. Wherever the great conqueror was engaged, the breathless attention of all Europe was fixed. Every citizen of every state felt his hopes or his fortunes raised or depressed by the event. The death of an English minister