measure, which was carried, owed its success to the exertions of Mr. Seward, greatly aided, however, by the efficient co-operation of Mr. M'Donald of Westchester county.

In a speech during this session on granting a charter to a whaling company, Mr. Seward made a vigorous attack on the tendency of legislation to corporate monopolies for banking, canals, railroads, and similar purposes. His efforts were not supported, and for a time proved unavailing. But the good seed has since ripened. The present system of opening every branch of business to voluntary association, without legislative interference, is the fruit of the principles he then maintained, and is an ample vindication of their soundness and utility.

At the close of the session of 1832, Mr. Seward was again appointed to prepare the address of the minority of the legislature to their constituents. In this document he resumed the discussion of the fiscal affairs of the state, showing the abuses of the administration in management of the public funds for political purposes, exposing the misconduct of the legislature in the incorporation of banking monopolies, and predicting the ruin of the banks from the policy pursued. His prophecy was in due time fulfilled.

CHAPTER VII.

STATE
ROPE

PRESIDENTIAL

ELECTION-VISIT TO EU

RETURN ΤΟ THE SENATE-REMOVAL OF DEPOS-
COURT OF ERRORS- - LAFAYETTE.

IN the presidential campaign of 1832, Mr. Seward gave his support to the electors who were to vote for either Mr. WIRT or Mr. CLAY as their vote should prove effective. He has since repeatedly supported Mr. Clay as a candidate for the presidency, although it is known that he always

foresaw his defeat, and it is therefore questionable whether that eminent statesman was ever his first choice.

At the legislative session for this year, Mr. Seward took a still more prominent share in the proceedings of the senate. The nomination of Mr. Tallmadge, then a member of the senate, to the office of United States senator, called forth the discussion of an important constitutional question. A clause in the state constitution prohibited any member of the legislature from receiving office at the hands of that body, during the term for which he was elected. The attorney-general, to whom the question of eligibility had been submitted, decided in favor of Mr. Tallmadge. This decision was controverted by Mr. Seward in a speech of remarkable power of logic and eloquence. He was overruled by a strictly party vote; but one can hardly read his speech without being convinced that the appointment, made for temporary political purposes, was a violation of the constitution.

The nullification movements in the South were brought before the attention of the senate in February, 1833. On the 16th of that month, Mr. Seward introduced a series of resolutions, maintaining that Congress should be governed by a strict construction of the powers intrusted to the general government. In his speech sustaining the resolutions, he rebuked the democratic party in the state for their disposition to tamper with the principles of nullification, while professing to support Gen. Jackson's measures, which threatened the nullifiers with the penalty of

treason.

During this session, Mr. Seward took part in the discussions on the navigation of the Hudson, and on the increase of judicial salaries.

On the 1st of June, 1833, Mr. Seward sailed for Europe in company with his father. They made a rapid tour through parts of the United Kingdom, Holland, Germany, Switzerland, Sardinia, and France. During his absence he

wrote home a series of letters,* describing the countries that he visited, which were afterward published anonymously in the Albany Evening Journal. After about forty of the series had appeared, their publication was arrested, under circumstances which can not, perhaps, be better explained than by inserting the following extract from the Journal of that date:

:

"LETTERS FROM EUROPE. In reply to numerous inquiries for these letters, it is proper to say that their publication was arrested by the 'veto' of the gentleman who wrote them. It is already known to some of our readers that the author of these letters is the whig candidate for governor. They were hastily written to several of his intimate friends, while making a tour upon the continent. On his return, the friends of Mr. Seward earnestly desired the publication of these letters in a more durable form, but this was declined. After much importunity, however, he yielded a reluctant consent to their anonymous publication in the 'Evening Journal.' The series, thus commenced, were continued, contributing to the interest of our readers, and adding new names to our subscription, until the whig state convention placed their author in a new relation to the public; when, unwilling, we suppose, to superadd to other offences the heinous one of writing 'Letters from Europe,' he desired us to suspend their publication.

"From this decision of the author, our readers have appealed to the editor. Having read a portion of these letters, they insist upon the publication of the entire series. They do not, nor can we discover, in the whig nomination for governor, a sufficient reason for cutting off this source of interest and instruction. And besides, the assent of the author to the publi cation of the whole series, having been obtained before his nomination for governor, we insist that he has not now the right to revoke it.

"Under these circumstances, and at the general solicitation of our readers, we take the responsibility of resuming the publication of our 'Letters from Europe.' It is due, however, to Mr. Seward, to say, that they were written solely for the gratification of his own family and a few intimate friends, without the slightest expectation that they would ever be given to the public. If any of his political opponents should think proper to find fault with these letters, we shall respectfully inquire who among them possesses the industry and the talent to have travelled through England, Ireland, Scotland, Holland, Switzerland, Germany, and France, within a period of less than three months, and produce nearly eighty letters (filling upward of nine hundred manuscript pages) of equal interest and intelligence?”

These letters exhibit a refined taste, great acuteness of observation, and a genial sympathy with the grand and

*See Vol. III.

beautiful in nature. The reputation of the writer was enhanced by the avowal of their authorship.

Mr. Seward returned from his European tour in season to take his seat in the senate, at the opening of the session of 1834. The public attention was occupied with important questions both of national and of state politics. In the controversy relating to the United States bank, Mr. Seward took a leading part, and by his vigorous and eloquent appeals produced a strong impression upon the public mind.

son.

The removal of the deposites by Gen. Jackson took place in September, 1833. Mr. Van Buren was then vicepresident, and in order to promote his claims to the presidency, it was deemed essential to obtain the approval of the New York legislature for the measures of Gen. JackJoint resolutions were accordingly introduced by the administration party in January, 1834, approving the removal of the deposites, instructing the senators and representatives in Congress to oppose the renewal of the bank charter, and ascribing the financial distress of the country to the influence of that institution. These resolutions passed the assembly by a large majority. Not a voice was raised in opposition to them. In the senate, however, they met with a different reception. With a deep conviction of duty, and in spite of the remonstrance of his friends, Mr. Seward broke the ominous silence, and, in an elaborate speech, opposed the passage of the resolutions. This speech, which was, on the whole, the most powerful effort of his intellect and legislative experience during his career in the New York senate, occupied a part of two days in the delivery. It was forcible and conclusive in argument, pointed and brilliant in expression, and adorned with the appropriate embellishments of historical and classic illustration. Its effect, not only on the senate, but throughout the state, was of so decided a character, that several sen

*

*See Vol. I., p. 14.

ators of the opposite party attempted to set aside its influence by formal replies. This called forth Mr. Seward in a rejoinder on the 24th of January, on which occasion he indulged in a severity of remark to which he was not accustomed, and for the only time in his public life, noticed the personal attacks of which he had been made the subject.

The evils which Mr. Seward had predicted in consequence of the removal of the deposites, spread over the country with fearful rapidity. Before the close of the session, a severe financial pressure was felt everywhere. Commencing among the mercantile classes, it soon extended to every department of business and industry. Public meetings were called to express the prevailing dissatisfaction, and to avert further calamity. Committees were appointed to implore relief of the president and Congress. As a suitable measure to alleviate the general pecuniary distress, Governor Marcy recommended the issue of six millions of stock, to be sold on account of the state. A bill to this effect was introduced into the legislature, providing that four millions of the avails of this stock should be loaned to safety-fund banks, and the remainder to individuals, on bond and mortgage. Mr. Seward denounced the measure in an admirable speech,* delivered on the 10th of April, 1834. The design of the bill was to operate favorably for the administration at the ensuing fall election. This resulted in the re-election of Gov. Marcy; no stock was issued, and the measure, having accomplished its purpose, passed into oblivion.

The last speech of Mr. Seward in the senate related to the chartered rights of the city of Albany. It was a temperate and logical performance, but failed to prevent the passage of a law, which in his view, was a violation of the rights of the city. At the close of the session, he was for the third time designated to draw up the usual address† of the minority of the legislature to the people of the state. *See Vol. I., p 37. See Vol. III., p. 349.