constitution, that gave a peculiar charácter of manliness and freedom to every class of the community. Its principles pervaded all ranks, and of its good effects it might be said,

66 Magno se corpore miscet."

He could not avoid thinking, that if the House were to pass a resolution which altogether avoided the question of corruption, it would be generally supposed by the public, that such silence proceeded merely from political motives. He thought the House should not appear to shrink from the constitutional duty which they had now to perform, and he, for his part, felt himself bound to vote for the motion of his honourable friend (Mr. Bankes), as coinciding most with his views and feelings. He certainly did, in his mind, acquit the Duke of York of any real knowledge of those transactions, of any direct corrup tion or participation in it; but still he could not, under the impression of the evidence, say, that he could con ceive that he could be utterly without suspicion on the subject. He thought, moreover, that it was also necessary to make some reparation to public morals and decency, and that the public safety required that the House should communicate to his majesty, that in their opinion, the command of the army could be no longer with prudence confided to the Duke of York. It was customary in that House to call things by very soft and gentle names. That which used to be called adultery, was now only living under protection. It was in this way that when religion and social order was attacked in France, we heard of “a mother without being a wife." The applying those delicate expressions to acts of immorality, was striking at the root of the morals of this country. The House had been now sitting, day after day, in the consideration of those transactions, and in tearing off the veil which covered them. If, when they were now laid bare, the House was to abstain from passing an opinion upon them, they would do an irreparable injury to the morality of this country. It would be found throughout the page of history, that religion and morals were the best preservers of states, and that when they were upon the decline in any country, it was a sure prognostic of that country's approaching fall, He would not say that the charges were of that nature that it was absolutely necessary to bring forward; but when the House had been compelled to take notice of

them, he did not see how they could avoid coming to that conclusion which was impressed on their minds by the evidence which had been stated. He should read an extract from an author who was not considered either as a religious or moral authority, but who was eminently distinguished for political knowledge and sagacity. Machiavel had stated, that "the rulers of all states, whether kingdoms or commonwealths, should take care that religion should be honoured, and all its ceremonies preserved inviolate, for there was not a more certain system of the destruction of states, than a contempt for religion and morals." As to the slight censure conveyed in the resolution of his right honourable friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), he really thought it would have been better not to have touched upon the subject at all, than to touch upon it so lightly. It seemed as if the laws of cour tesy were more to be attended to than the laws of God. As to the confidence that was expressed in his Royal Highness following for the future the illustrious example set him by his royal father, that was an extraordinary degree of confidence, for which he would be glad to know the grounds. This called to his recollection the circum stance, that when Charles II. conducted himself improperly in Scotland with respect to a loose female, a deputation from the kirk was sent to remonstrate with him, Their spokesman, Douglas, having left the rest of the deputation at a considerable distance, went up to his majesty, who, expected a severe lecture, and merely said to him, "When next your majesty pleases to indulge yourself in practices like these, you should shut the shutters, and avoid scandal." He thought that even such advice as this would be better than the courtly flummery which had been proposed. Even the slight censure proposed, was not for violating the laws of religion and morality, but for a connexion which had, in its consequences, exposed the name and character of his Royal Highness to animadversion. This was referring his conduct not to the known rules of religion and morality, but to the fashionable and fanciful ideas of modern honour. Upon this occasion the House should not listen to their feelings, but to the evidence. They should consider what would be the language of any other judges, who, in the execution of the duties of their office, should be called upon to consult their feelings, instead of attending to the evidence.

He felt that he had a solemn but a painful duty to perform, and he could not conceive how, after all that had been disclosed, the House could believe that the command. of the army could be any longer safely confided to his Royal Highness. Supposing the case to be according to the mildest interpretation of his friends, that the Duke had no knowledge or suspicion of the transactions, but was completely deceived and blinded by the woman whom he passionately loved and entirely confidled in, that would be reason enough to call for his removal from the command of the army. It was not at a time that all the continential nations were broken down by the armies of France, that this country should have a commander-inchief who was liable to be blinded and duped by a woman. (Hear, hear!) It was well known that Buonaparte suc ceeded as much by his intrigues as by open force, and if he found that we had a commander-in-chief who was duped by his mistress, it would be easy for him to gain an ascendancy over such a woman, in order to command the most important secrets of the state. He could buy over such a woman, not only for a sum of money, but by promising to make a duchess or a queen of her. This was a game which Buonaparte had always played. When General Wurmser ever resolved upon a sally from Mantua, he always found that the French had perfect information of his intentions. The more innocent and the more unsuspecting the Duke of York was described to be, the more danger was there the enemy would find out if any body had influence over him. There was another consideration which he felt it his duty to state. That House had been always considered in a peculiar degree as the guardians and stewards of the public purse, and bound to take notice of the waste of money applied for public purposes. The luxurious and profuse expenditure of the establishment at Gloucester-place would be read with pain by the heavily-burdened cottager in all parts of the country. Whatever now takes place in higher life, is soon known in every circle of society; but the transactions which were now under consideration had acquired an extraordinary degree of publicity, and the public could not avoid feeling that this profusion was supplied from their money, which had been granted for different purposes. As to the public opinion guiding the determination of that House, it was a principle that he should not contend for ; VOL. II.-1809.

3 Y

but he reminded the House that their strength was in the strength of the people, and that it was from this force of public opinion that governments, which were somewhat popular in their form, had the greatest strength. The House would probably this night divide upon the question whether an address to his majesty, or a resolution, such as that proposed by his right honourable friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), should be agreed to. He hoped that no consideration, even of the delicacy of the subject, would prevent them from discharging, to the utmost, the duty which they owed to their country.-[After Mr. Wilberforce had sat down, there was a very loud and general cry of Question, question!]

Mr. Secretary Canning said, that however he disagreed with the honourable gentleman in many points, yet he' most cordially agreed with him in this, that in the vote they were to give to-night, the character and honour of that House were most deeply engaged. He hoped that the House and the right honourable gentleman would believe, that although he took a very different view of the question, yet his vote should be determined by the conscientious opinion which he had formed after the most attentive consideration of the evidence. The debate had now continued for an unexampled length of time, and had been conducted with unexampled ability. He had waited with patience, and a sincere desire to collect from other gentlemen materials to enable him to come to the most correct judgment which his mind could enable him to form on the subject. Of all the speeches which he had expected to hear upon this subject, there was none for which he had waited with more anxiety than for the speech of the honourable gentleman. He had looked to his speech as one, from which he expected that all party views would be entirely banished. He was sure that the honourable gentleman would not practise any management, or feel or express himself like a parliamentary tactician on such a day as this. He thought, however, that he would not have entered into any conpromise upon such an occasion, or have given his support to an address which had no character at all. (Hear, hear!) The address which was proposed, pronounced nothing respecting the question which they had been so long investigating, whether the Duke of York was guilty or not. It appear ed to him, that the decision of the House ought to direct the opinion of the public, instead of following the stream

of popular opinion. It was by rightly discharging their duty, that true and lasting popularity was to be hoped for. What was it, however, that the honourable gentleman had stated as his opinion? He had told the House that after the fullest consideration of the evidence, and after six days had been spent in debating the subject, he had not been able to give a decided opinion whether the Duke had been guilty of corruption or not. This was then the result of six days debate, and this was all the opinion pro nounced by the right honourable gentleman, to whose opinion the largest number of people looked up to fashion theirs. If he was not prepared to give a decided opinion upon the guilt or innocence of his Royal Highness, he thought that it would have been better for him not to have gone into those comprehensive and general views which rather encumbered and perplexed the question, than placed it any new light which would have been able to guide the House in their determination. After stating the immorality of the connection which was disclosed, the honourable gentleman asked, would it not be a scandal and a shame to that House not to come iuto resolutions which would disgrace the Commander-in-chief? For his part, he doubted much whether the House had any right to consider more about the immorality of this connection than as related to its practical effects as to the administration of that department in the state which had been confided to his Royal Highness. He considered that religion, as well as morality, was best judged of by its practical effects; and until a deviation from religion and morality had produced serious evils to the state, he did not know that parliament should be called upon to interfere by its censure. the address originally proposed, he must dissent from it, because he did not agree with the averments of it; but at the same time he thought it had this great advantage over the address moved in its place, that it was much more direct and intelligible. The address, however, which was moved in its place, was complicated and confused in a high degree. It blended all manner of questions together. It took in something of religion, something of connivance, something of the immorality of the connection, and formed a sort of average upon all that was in any way objected to the Duke, without coming to any decision upon what was really the charge against him; namely, whether he was guilty of corruption or not. This conduct would

As to