must drink of it, however bitter the ingredients might be ; the shaft was flown, and must take its course.

In the progress of the discussion on the charges against the Duke of York, much was said on the extreme injustice: of deciding upon the conduct of any man without a trial, that it was dealing unfairly with the illustrious person ac cused, to try him in this manner-that it was judging him. in bis absence-that the evidence was not taken upon oath. Whatever force there might originally have been in these: objections, this was not the proper time to make them. Such objections ought to have been stated at the beginning. The course of proceeding they had adopted (and that course, he would observe, was not only sanctioned but dictated in a great degree by the friends of the Duke of York), could not now be changed. He had also heard, similar complaints respecting the violent prejudices which had gone abroad. He lamented that such prejudices should have taken so strong and general a hold on the publicmind, as it was impossible for them to disguise from them, selves they had done. He admitted that such prejudices did prevail, but they were inseparable from the mode of proceeding adopted by the House, and were not to be, urged in bar of judgment. He agreed in an observation that had in the course of the discussion been repeatedly, urged from the other side of the House, and, lately, by thehonourable baronet on the same bench with him, namely, that it was incumbent on the House to come to a specific decision on the charges of corruption, criminal participa tion, and conniyance. It might be said, that these spe cific charges were not made. True, they were not reduced to writing, and formally laid on the table, but they were the result of the evidence that had been heard at the bar. The accusation was made, evidence was heard at the bar in support of it, and-out of that evidence arose these charges. The House was, therefore, called to de cide on the whole of the evidence, or, in other words, on the whole of the charges. They were called upon to de: cide whether his Royal Highness had been guilty of pere: sonal corruption; they were called upon to decide whe ther he was guilty of criminal participation; they were called upon to decide whether he was guilty of connivance; and they were called upon to decide not only whether he was guilty of all these; but they were called upon to de cide on a charge of allowing Mrs. Clarke to interfere in

the concerns of the high office with which the Duke of York was vested, and in the distribution of military promotions. The House, in doing this, would not, he trusted, come to a decision in the business, so as, to leave it. uncertain bereafter what was the specific nature of the misconduct with which his Royal Highness was charged. He would take care that he should give his vote at least upon the specific charges of corruption, criminal participation, connivance, and of allowing Mrs. Clarke to use her influence in the disposal of appointments in the army.... . A considerable difference of opinion prevailed as to whother the House should proceed by address or resolution. For his own part, he thought the mode by address more becoming the dignity of the House. The resolutions, whether they were exculpatory or accusatory, might be easily embodied into and amalgamated with the address. The first resolution proposed by the right honourable member was, that the House should decide. There would be no objection to make that part of an address. The second was, whether his Royal Highness was or was not guilty of corruption. Again, there would be no difficulty in interweaving that in an address. In short, it appeared to him to be just as easy to put the substance of the resolutions in the shape of an address, as in the form proposed by the right honourable member. The proceeding by address had. hlso one great advantage over that which the right honour able member wished to recommend. If a resolution of censure should be carried, that resolution, in order to be carried to the foot of the throne, must be put in the shape of an address otherwise it would lie a dead letter on the table. The house therefore would do best to embody the resolutions, whatever their nature may be, in the address which is to be laid before the king.

Now with respect to these different charges, be fully agreed with the honourable member who last ap ke, that The Duke of York was not proved guilty of corruption+ not proved guilty of corrupt participation÷not proved guilty of connivance. For, upon whose exilence did the proofs of these facts depend? Why, upon that of Mrs, Clarke, who came self-accused, to the bar, and gave her testimony with a character self-blasted. If the question on these specific charges, or on any other indeed, were to be wholly decided by her epidence, it would not have the smallest weight with his Au prouanciag his opinion, VOL. 11.-1809. SU

he should discard it wholly from his consideration, and have no difficulty to make up his mind upon the subject. With respect, however, to Miss Taylor's evidence, that stood on other grounds; he believed it was correct in every point. It had been said, that she came there prepared on her part-that she had previously rehearsed itthat she was a member of the conspiracy, and had learned her story before she appeared at the bar. He did not believe this. There was nothing in her manner or the matter of her evidence to prove that she was suborned. If she was rehearsing a part, she would have been better tutored. If she were privy to a conspiracy, would she not have come forward with a detail of facts and circumstances that would have struck much more home at the Duke of York than the evidence she gave? But whatever credit he might be disposed to give her evidence, he would not admit that it went to convict the Duke of York of corruption. The House had heard a great deal about that famous phrase, "How does he behave to you, Darling?" but was this a proof of corruption? What was the import of this expression? "How does he behave, Darling," did not necessarily imply that he meant, how does he pay, Darling?" The expression, however, went far to convict him of suffering this woman to interfere in his official duties. He thought that the profusion and extravagance that prevailed at Gloucester-place had very improperly been urged as arguments to prove that the Duke of York connived at the practices of Mrs. Clarke. They were far from carrying conviction to his mind. The Duke, it was well known, was not remarkable for the order with which he conduct. ed his own domestic concerns; bow was it therefore to be expected that he should take better care of Mrs. Clarke's? It was quite possible that this profusion, want of order, and distresses, might have prevailed, and his Royal High ness know nothing of it. He acquitted the Duke of York. of corruption; he acquitted him of criminal participation; he acquitted him of connivance; but he found him deeply criminal in allowing this woman to interfere in his official duties. The evidence brought forward by accident furnished convincing proofs of this crime. It was evident in French's levy. It was evident in the case of Dr. O'Meara, this minister of purity, this mirror of virtue, who, pro fessing a call from God, could so far debase himself, so far abuse his sacred vocation, as to solicit a recommenda

tion from such a person as Mrs. Clarke, by which, with an eye to a bishopric, he obtained an opportunity of preach. ing before the king. What could be said in justification' of his Royal Highness for allowing this hypocrite to come down to Weymouth under a patronage, unbecoming his duty, rank, and situation i The case of Kennet was equally strong. It was proved that, in the expectation of a loan to be procured for him by this man, his Royal Highness employed his influence to get a place for him. The cases of Elderton and General Clavering, but parti cularly of the latter, shewed that Mrs. Clarke was in the habit of communicating with his Royal Highness on military subjects. His letter to her on the subject of Claye ring's application, put it beyond the possibility of doubt. If this communication, this kind of understanding on such subjects, had not taken place, why did the Duke express himself so unreservedly on the business? Should he not have answered it in this way: "I am sorry that Clavering has applied through you; I was not aware that he was acquainted with our connection; I hope he is not. But if he knows any thing of it, let him know this, that this is a point on which I will not suffer you to interfere."

Before he sat down, he could not avoid alluding to the very extraordinary speech made by an honourable friend near him (Mr. Windham), on the preceding evening. The conclusion of that speech really astonished him, He could hardly conceive that, after the very ingenious and subtile arguments that he advanced in support of his Royal Highness, that he would have come to the decision he did. If his opinion had been so nicely balanced, he. would have acquitted the Duke. He would not have employed so much time in splitting hairs, and then with half a hair strangle his Royal Highness. If he were in a situation to approach that illustrious person, if he could presume to obtrude his advice upon him, he wou'd advise him to resign, (A loud laugh from the ministerial benches). If ministers did their duty, they would advise him to re-. sign. They would advise him to resign; for it was im possible his Royal Highness could stir a step without hearing of these things. They would meet him in every street, in every road, in every corner. Where he went, the deep' murmurs of public indignation would strike his ear. The time was fast approaching, when we perhaps would have to fight for British interests ou British ground. At such a

dreadful crisis, the safety of the state, the salvation of the country, the maintenance of our constitution, the preserv ation of our liberties, and of every thing dear to us, would" depend on the confidence reposed in him who might have the command of the army. Does his Royal Highness sup pose that he enjoys that confidence? In every eye that glanced on him, in every voice that assailed his ear, he might discover unequivocal indications that he did not. There was no alternative for him, therefore, but to resign. In retirement he might have an opportu ity of regaining, at some distant period, that public confide ce which he has not now. "His Royal Highness," said the noble lord, "cannot be prudently continued a servant of the public. Highly thankful for the patience with which I have been heard, I will no longer trespass on the indulgence of the House. I have done my duty, and I have done it with infinite pain and regret. It was a maxim of Lord Byr leigh, that England could not be ruined but by her parliment. England cannot be ruined while her parliament does its duty."

The Lord Advocate, who rose among a tumultuons cry of" question, question!" began with observing, that be was well aware of the just impatience of the House to come to a vote; but he hoped for their indulgence for a few minutes. He seldom rose in that House, and never but when impelled by a sense of duty. He felt himself called on to give an opinion on this important question. With all the attention that he had been able to pay to the evi lence, the conclusion which he drew fraim it was, that his Royal Highness had neither been guilty of corruption, nor criminal participation, nor connivance; and that he had in no one instance abused the power he possessed as Commander-in-chief, of giving away military commissions. This was a conviction that he derived from a minute, unprejudiced, and conscientious review of the different charges, and the evidence by which they were supported. [The House became here so clamorous for the question, that the honourable member could no longer be heard.]

Mr. Wilberforce had wished, before he offered himself to the House, to hear all that had been said upon the subject. He had attended carefully to all the arguments that had been urged from the first; and if he had not formed a correct opinion, it was not because he had not considered the subject most seriously and deliberately be