had no such intention, nor had he heard or understood that any one else had. The letter was now become a document on the table, and like any other paper or petition which was ordered to lie there, might be referred to by every member of the House; and every individual who might refer to it, might make what remarks on it he pleased, or adopt any proceeding relative to it which he thought necessary.

Lord H. Petty thought the question of such extra. ordinary importance as to require the particular attention of the House, being, in his opinion, a direct attack on its privileges. He had not understood his honourable friend to object to the letter, in as far as it contained an allegation of innocence, but in going beyond that allegation. It was subject to the obvious meaning or opinion, that no declaration could be come to by that House on the evidence laid before it, but such as would carry it out of the province of the House; and when the word demned" was considered, it was to be inferred that the House ought not to determine on the evidence laid before it, which was the only evidence that it could receive. He therefore thought, with his honourable friend, that the House had, by the vote of last night, permitted a let ter to be put on the table which was an attack on their privileges.

THE INQUIRY.

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The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that he found, on an application to the printer of the minutes, that he would not be able to have those which related to the Inquiry into the conduct of the Commander in Chief, ready to deliver to the members of the House so soon as Monday next; nor could he even answer for Tuesday or Wednesday. He thought, therefore, it would be necessary to enlarge the time beyond that which had been fixed for bringing up the report; and as the honourable gentleman (Mr. Whitbread) was in possession of Monday se'nnight, he was at a loss how to fix so early a day as he could wish, unless the honourable gentleman would agree to postpone his motion to a future day. The honourable gentleman had already so frequently postponed it, that he hardly knew how to ask him again to do it; but if he could with convenience, he should be obliged to him.

After some conversation between the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Mr. Whitbread, it appeared that as the assizes in Ireland were nearly approaching, and that many members from that part of the united kingdom, who wished to be present at the discussion of the American question, could not conveniently remain in town longer than Monday se'nnight, it was agreed that Mr. Whitbread's motion should stand as it was already fixed, for that day, and that the report on the inquiry into the con duct of the Duke of York, should be taken into consideration on Wednesday the 8th of March.

OFFICES FOR THE SALE OF PLACES UNDER GOVERNMENT.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, it would be recollected by the House, that the honourable gentleman opposite (Mr. Wardle) when he brought forward his charges, had mentioned an office in the city kept for the sale of places under government, in which the names of the Lord Chancellor, and the Duke of Portland had been used. He had then said he would be glad to give every assistance to the honourable gentleman, in order to discover if any such unjust practices were really in existence. Since that time, a gentleman had observed an advertisement for the sale of a place under government, and had applied accordingly to the office of Coleman and Taylor, who informed him they had a place under government to dispose of. He informed the Chancellor of the Exchequer of it, who sent for the Solicitor to the Treasury, and desired him to go with the gentleman, and make an advance of any sum that might be required, to endea vour to find out if any such practices did exist, so as to fix them with a prosecution. They had accordingly proceeded, and a sum had been agreed on, which was deposited, and by the advice of the Attorney and Solicitor General, Coleman and Taylor, and a Mrs. Harvey, were indicted; there was also a banker.

Mr. Alderman Combe thought the right honourable gentleman should mention the banker's name.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he did not exactly recollect it, and might therefore, by giving a wrong name, do more harm than good.

REPORT ON THE INQUIRY INTO THE CONDUCT OF THE DUKE OF YORK.

Mr. Tierney wished to know, if, when the report was brought up on Wednesday se'nnight, the right honoura ble gentleman intended to come forward with any specific proceedings on it.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he did not conceive he had any thing to do with the business, in the way. the right honourable gentleman had mentioned. He conceived it to be in the hands of the honourable gentleman who brought forward the accusation, and he did not think it would be proper for him to interfere in it, as he naturally supposed the honourable gentleman, whom he did not then see in his place, would bring forward some proceeding or other on it.

Lord Folkestone said, he did not rise to object to any thing which had been said by the last speaker, but thought he had reason to complain of the right honourable gentleman below him (Mr. Tierney), as his question seemed to insinuate that his honourable friend had abandoned the business, and he wished the right honourable gentleman opposite to him to take it up. His honourable friend had, however, expressed his readiness to go on with the matter even on the day that had been first appointed, though he (Lord Folkestone) thought it too early a one. The right hon. gentleman might, therefore, rest satisfied that on Wednesday se'nnight the matter would be taken up by his honourable friend, who had left the House, not supposing any thing would be said on the subject that night.

Mr. Tierney disclaimed any intention of even a wish to take the business out of the hands of the honourable gentleman who brought forward the accusation, and had only asked the question to satisfy himself, whether on that night any proceeding was to take place on bring ing up the report.

CONDUCT OF THE WAR IN SPAIN.

Mr. G. Ponsonby said, he rose to submit to the House an inquiry on a subject as highly important to the honour, fame, and interests of this country as any which had ever claimed their attention. If he had not given any notice

on the subject, the very expressions he had used would have presented to the mind of every one who heard him that he alluded to the conduct of the campaign in Spain. When the insurrections at Madrid and other places in Spain, were first made known to this country, the circumstances of the world were such as made it the most important crisis for those who possessed his Majesty's confidence, that could well be imagined. All the powers of the continent of Europe were prostrate at the feet of the conquerer of its destinies, and either from the weakness or the versatility of their councils, had, one after another, succumbed and submitted to the power and aggrandizement of the Emperor of France. England alone was found to be the only power capable of any further resistance to the gigantic power of France. The house of Austria had, against the advice of her wisest and most prudent counsellors, plunged headlong into the third coalition against France, and the fatal consequences which followed had reduced her to a state of absolute weakness. Whether seduced by the power of France, or wearied with her former alliances, Russia had not only ceased to be the enemy, but had suffered herself to be drawn into a close alliance with the Emperor of France. Thus stood the world; and when those who had so long been her enemies had at length become her vassals or allies, there unexpectedly arose an opposition to the arms of France, in a country which had not only been in strict alliance, but even in a state of the most abject dependence to her power. Spain, so lately her vassal, bad risen in insurrection against her impressive mandates, and had applied to this country for assistance, just before the close of the last session of parliament; but it was not in the power of his Majesty's ministers then to lay before the House any information on the subject. The whole management of this delicate and important affair had been left entirely to ministers. Parliament had no power to interfere or to take any share in it, the session being at its close. Ministers had, however, every thing which parliament could bestow, to enable them to act with spirit and effect. They were granted without hesitation every guinea they could ask; they had a vote of credit to the utmost extent of their wishes. There was but one mind, one heart, and one undivided spirit, among all the people of the empire. No ministers before them ever experienced such unexampled unani

mity in the nation, to forward and promote the success of every measure they might think proper or requisite to adopt, for the assistance of the Spaniards; not a man who expressed a wish but of effecting the liberty of Spain.

Standing on that eminence from which ministers could view the prospects that were shut to all other eycs, it was their paramount duty, before they engaged the strength, power, and credit of this country in that project-before they employed its wealth in any expeditions, either by land or sea-it was their duty to make themselves well acquainted with the real situation of Spain. The first measure they ought to have adopted, was, to have sent to that country men of the most eminent talents, both in military and civil affairs-men who were able to lead on and conduct with effect the Spanish armies. It was their duty. to have selected such men as were likely, by the superiority of their talents, so to take advantage of circamsances which might be found favourable, as to break down the overgrown and all-grasping power of France, and by that means to afford an opportunity to the other powers of Europe to take the first occasion that offered of delivering themselves from the degraded state of vassalage and oppression in which they were at present placed. He did not know the men who had been sent, more than from public report, but he could not perceive among their names any one who was remarkable either for wisdom or knowledge, They were all young men, and, as such, he feared but little capable of forming a true and sound judgment, either of the nature and situation of the country, or of what was passing in it. Ministers stood responsible in a double capacity; they were bound to adopt such measures as should most effectually conduce, not only to the means of success to Spain, but also of defence to England, and to consider that they had to administer the affairs of that country which could alone resist France; and it behoved them most especially to see that they did not neglect the defence of this country, in attending to the assistance of Spain. To judge of the true state of Spain, it required men of the first-rate abilities. It was easy to see, however great our power at sea, England alone could not stand the event of the contest. It was, above all, necessary to ascertain the true feelings and spirit of the Spanish people, what was their union, and how far their power of co-operation really extended. Ministers ought