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Lord Fitzwilliam, moved for leave to bring in i bill for the farther relief of the Catholics.

Meanwhile the English Cabinet forgot the stipulations which they had entered into with Lord Fitzwilliam, "that if the Catholics Jhould "appear determined tojiir the businefs and bring "it before Parliament, he was to give it a hand"fome support on the part of government" and the Duke of Portland was directed by Mr. Pitt to inform Lord Fitzwilliam, that, notwithstanding the length to which the Irish government had gone, it must retrace its steps. "Then," fays Lord Fitzwilliam in his letter to Lord Carlisle, " it appears to have been discovered that "the deferring of it would be not merely an ex"pediency or thing to be desired for the present, '* but the means of doing a greater good to the "British empire, than it has been capable of re"ceiving since the revolution, or at least fnce the •' union."

Lord Fitzwilliam having refused to become an accomplice in the tergiversation of Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Portland, that fatal measure of his

recal

rccal was determined upon; a measure which has involved Ireland in 13 years of suffering under military tyranny, insurrection, and rebellion, and which at length has shook the stability of the empire to its centre.

Upon a debate in the House of Lords, which took place soon after Lord Fitzwilliam's return to England, on the subject of his conduct in Ireland, Lord Westmorland said, by the directions <of Mr. Pitt, " That he had no authority what"ever from Ministers in this country for taking "the steps which he had done on the Catholic ques"lion." The incorrectness, howeyer, of this assertion, it is now no very difficult matter to expose. In the first place, the measure of emancipation to the Catholics-was originally the measure of Mr. Pitt and the Westmorland administration.* "The "most strenuous and zealous friends," fays Lord Fitzwilliam, "of my predecessor, claimed the ** credit of it for their patron in terms of the "highest compliment. They did it in the House "of Commons, they did it in the House of Lords >' last night. The persons whom Lord Westmorc c 2 "land

* Lord Fitzwilliam to Lord Carlisle.

"land then principally consulted, opposed it, but "the open interference of Lord Hobart, the "avowed determination of the British Cabinet, "communicated as such to the Catholic agents "on the spot, as through the medium of confi** dential persons sent over to England for that "purpose, bore down the opposition. The decla*' rations of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas are well "known in this country, and are often quoted. "They would not risk- a rebellion in Ireland on "such a question."

Here then is evidence, which has never been disputed, that, even before Lord Fitzwilliam went to Ireland, the measure had been determined upon by Mr. Pitt. The only question, therefore, to be decided, in judging os the truth of Lord Westmorland's assertion, is, whether or not Mr. Pitt had consented that the proper time for adopting this measure was arrived, when Lord Fitzwilliam was sent to Ireland. That he had so consented there is in proof " the language which the Duke "of Portland had held so publicly for years "back," that the emancipation of the Catholics was indispensably necessary. There is the fact of his refusing- to. coalesce with Mr. Pitt, unless this measure was conceded; there are the frequent consultations that took place concerning it between Mr. Pitt, Lord Frtzwilliam, Mr. Grattan, and Mr. Ponsonby; the acceptance also of the office of Lord Lieutenant by Lord FitzwiUiam j and, finally, the word and honour of Lord Fitzwilliam, that his consent was absolutely given. All these circumstances there are in direct contradiction of the assertion of Lord Westmoreland. But besides all these occurrences, there is the remarkable sentence in the Duke of Portland's dispatch, that the deferring of the measure would be " the means of doing a greater good to *( the British Empire, than it had been capable of ** receiving since the revolution, or at leastsince "the union" This {hews that it was the object of Mr. Pitt's mind, at that time, to carry the union, and fully accounts for Mr. Pitt's perfidy and the recal of Lord FitzwiUiam. All the events which have since taken place concerning the union, are evidence in favour of Lord Fitzwilliam's integrity and Mr. Pitt's duplicity; they are conclusively contradictory of the assertion of Lord Westmoreland, and fully expose one of the

most most flagitious transactions that the annals of history have recorded in the worst of times, and by the basest of governments.

When the differences that existed between the Lord Lieutenant and the English Cabinet were known, grief and consternation seized all who had flattered themselves that the measures of his Excellency's administration were to redress the grievances, remove the discontents, and work the salvation of Ireland. In the House of Commons, Sir Lawrence Parsons moved to limit the money bills to two months; but Lord Milton and Mr. George Ponsonby deprecated the measure, and it was rejected. The House of Commons, however, unanimously resolved, that his Excellency had, by his conduct since his arrival, merited the thanks of ,lhe House, and the confidence of the people.

Out of Parliament the discontent was more manifest. The Catholics, who had now for six months felt secure of being at length relieved from the execrable system of pains aud penalties, as the Duke of Portland himself was accustomed to call it, now saw the cup dashed from their lips, and

could

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