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As to the conduct of the Catholic clergy of the county of Wexford, it is now well known, “that "not one of them who had a flock, not one parish priest was implicated, or had any concern in fo"menting, encouraging, or aiding the rebellion; "nay, it is certain, that they abhorred, and de"tested, and shuddered at it as the most wicked, "scandalous, and abominable event that they had "ever witnessed.” *

The supposition that the establishment of the Catholic religion was one of the objects of this rebellion is proved to be unfounded, by the evidence of the principal leaders, Emmett and M⭑Nevin.

The following are their answers, given before the committees, to the question, "Whether or not they "would set up the Catholic religion ?"

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to do, namely, to give a faithful account of this rebellion discerning public will at once see to which authority they ought to give a preference. Sir Richard dedicated his first edition to Lord Cornwallis. Upon reading it, however, Lord Cornwallis directed his Secretary to write the following letter to him:

SIR,

Dublin, March 24, 1801. I am directed by the Lord Lieutenant to express to you his concern at its appearing, that your late publication of the History of the Rebellions of Ireland has been dedicated to him by permission. Had his Excellency been apprized of the contents and nature of the work, he would never have lent the sanction of his name to a book, which tends so strongly to revive the dreadful animosities which have so long distracted this country, and which it is the duty of every good subject to endeavour to compose. His Excellency, therefore, desires me to request, that, in any future edition of the book, the permission to dedicate it to him may be omitted.

I have, &c.

E. LITTLEHALES.

* See Dr. Caulfield's Reply to Sir R. Musgrave, sold by Keating and Co., Duke-street.

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M'Nevin. "I would no more consent to "that than to the establishment of Mahometan"ism."

Emmett.-"I do not think the Catholics would "wish to set up a Catholic establishment, even at "the present day. Perhaps some old priests, who "have long groaned under the penal laws, might "wish for a retribution to themselves, but I do not "think the young priests wish for it; and I am "convinced the laity would not submit to it; and "that the objections to it will be every day gaining "strength."

Two circumstances more only remain to be taken notice of regarding the conduct of the Catholics as a body in this rebellion. One of them, the indisputable fact, that of the twenty-four leaders of the rebellion who were banished to fort St. George, only four of them were Catholics, twelve were of the Church of England, and the remaining eight were Dissenters. Well indeed, then, might Mr. Pitt say, in the House of Commons, in 1805, whose opinion is the other circumstance alluded to, "I do not consider the late rebellion in Ireland to have been a Catholic rebellion." *

Facts, reason, and authority, therefore, it appears, all coincide in the condemnation of the calumny, which a few blind and mistaken men have had just talent enough to propagate amongst the ignorant and prejudiced. The magna vis veritatis will, however, prevail on this, as well as upon all other occasions, and sooner or later bring forward the unfortunate and much injured Catholics of Ireland to the view of their English fellow-subjects, as

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* Debates on the Catholic petition, (sold by Cuthell and Martin,) p. 126.

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highly deserving of their confidence and their affection.

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The next great event belonging to the Catholic question is the measure of union, not as having, in any way, altered the political condition of the Catholics in respect to the penal laws, but as a measure concerning which a compact was virtually entered into between them and the English government. For though it is true, that no regular articles, like those of Limerick, can be produced to prove this compact, still there is circumstantial evidence of such a nature as is sufficient to bring conviction to every candid mind, that, on the one hand, the Catholics did agree to support the union, and, on the other, that the English government, on their part, did indirectly agree to secure to them, in consideration of that support, the measure of emancipation.

This evidence is to be collected, 1st. From the speech of Mr. Pitt, on proposing the union articles to the House of Commons; 2dly. From the act of union; 3dly, From Mr. Pitt's speech, and the letters of Lord Cornwallis and him concerning the change of administration in 1801.

1st. Mr. Pitt's speech- "I am well aware,' says Mr. Pitt," that the subject of religious dis"tinction is a dangerous and delicate topic, espe-,

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cially when applied to a country such as Ireland;" "the situation of which, in this respect, is differ, "ent from every other. Where the established re- -ligion of the state is the same as the general reli- → gion of the empire, and where the property of "the country is in the hands of a comparatively "small number of persons professing that religion, "while the religion of a great majority of the people is different, it is not easy to say, on ge

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"neral principles, what system of church esta"blishment, in such a country, would be free "from difficulty and inconvenience. By many I "know it will be contended, that the religion pro"fessed by the majority of the people would, at "least, be entitled to an equality of privileges. I "have heard such an argument urged in this House; "but those who apply it without qualification to "the case of Ireland, forget, surely, the prin

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ciples on which English interest and English con"nection has been established in that country, and "its present legislature is formed. No man can say, that, in the present state of things, and "while Ireland remains a separate kingdom, full " concessions could be made to the Catholics without "endangering the state, and shaking the constitu"tion to its centre."

Is not this as much as to say, that, after an incorporate union shall have taken place, these FULL CONCESSIONS could be made without endangering Ireland? Could these words be understood in any other way by the Catholics? and are they not an indirect offer, on the part of Mr. Pitt, to the Catholics to make these FULL CONCESSIONS, provided they would enable him to make them without endangering the state? But the language which he next employs is stronger and still more in point. He immediately proceeds: "On the "other hand, without anticipating the discussion, "or the propriety of agitating the question, or "saying how soon or how late it may be fit to dis"cuss it, two propositions are indisputable- 1st. "When the conduct of the Catholics shall be such "as to make it safe for the government to admit "them to the participation of the privileges granted "to those of the established religion, and when

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"the temper of the times shall be favourable to "such a measure; when those events take place, "it is obvious that such a question may be agi"tated in an United Imperial Parliament, with "much greater safety than it could be in a separate legislature. In the second place, I think it cer"tain, that even for whatever period it may be "thought necessary, after the union, to withhold "from the Catholics the enjoyment of those advantages, many of the objections which at present "arise out of their situation would be removed, if "the Protestant legislature were no longer separate "and local, but general and impartial."

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The speech, from which the foregoing is extracted, was circulated gratis by government, throughout all Ireland. * It was considered by the Catholics as a tender of emancipation; it was anxiously read by all who could read; at the Castle it was explained, to those who sought for explanation, as an unequivocal offer of every concession; and, in the result, the Catholics opposed their own Parliament, and gave their support to Mr. Pitt; and, by the aid of this support, he was enabled to contend with a majority in the House of Commons, and finally to carry the measure.

We come now to the evidence to be collected from the Act of Union.

Many of the leading Catholics have not hesitated to declare, that the oath prescribed by this act, to qualify members of Parliament to take their seats, was framed under an arrangement, that, immediately after the measure was passed, they were to enjoy the privilege of sitting in Parliament. The

It was sent to the generals commanding districts, and circulated by their staff officers. See Evidence of Col. Curry before the Committee on the State of Ireland, 1825.

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