developing themselves among the tribes in constant intercourse with British traders and garrisons, without connecting their hostility with that influence; and without recollecting the authenticated examples of such interpositions heretofore furnished by the officers and agents of that government.

Such is the spectacle of injuries and indignities which have been heaped on our country; and such the crisis which its unexampled forbearance and conciliatory efforts have not been able to avert. It might at least have been expected, that an enlightened nation, if less urged by moral obligations, or invited by friendly dispositions on the part of the United States, would have found in its true in terests alone a sufficient motive to respect their rights and their tranquillity on the high seas: that an enlarged policy would have favoured the free and general circulation of commerce, in which the British nation is at all times interested, and which in time of war is the best alleviation of its calamities to herself, as well as the other belligerents; and more especially that the British cabinet would not, for the sake of a precarious and surreptitious intercourse with hostile markets, have persevered in a course of measures which necessarily put at hazard the invaluable market of a great and growing country, disposed to cultivate the mutual advantages of an active

commerce.

Other councils have prevailed. Our moderation and conciliation have had no other effect than to encourage perseverance, and to enlarge pretensions. We behold our seafaring citizens still the daily

victims of lawless violence committed on the great and common highway of nations, even within the sight of the country which owes them protection. We behold our vessels freighted with the products of our soil and industry, or returning with the honest proceeds of them, wrested from their lawful destinations, confiscated by prize courts, no longer the organs of public law, but the instruments of arbitrary edicts, and their unfortunate crews dispersed and lost, or forced or inveigled in British ports into British fleets; whilst arguments are employed in support of these aggressions, which have no foundation but in a principle equally supporting a claim to regulate our external commerce in all cases whatsoever.

We behold, in fine, on the side of Great Britain, a state of war against the United States; and, on the side of the United States, a state of peace towards Great Britain.

Whether the United States shall continue passive under these progressive usurpations, and these accumulating wrongs, or, opposing force to force in defence of their natural rights, shall commit a just cause into the hands of the Almighty Disposer of events, avoiding all connections which might entangle it in the contests or views of other powers, and preserving a constant readiness to concur in an honourable re-establishinent of peace and friendship, is a solemn question, which the constitution wisely confides to the legislative department of the government. In recommending it to their early deliberations, I am happy in the assurance, that the decision will

be

be worthy the enlightened and patriotic councils of a virtuous, a free and a powerful nation.

Having presented this view of the relations of the United States with Great Britain, and of the solemn alternative growing out of them, I proceed to remark, that the communications last made to Congress on the subject of our relations with France, will have shewn, that since the revocation of her decrees, as they violated the neutral rights of the United States, her government has authorised illegal captures by its privateers and public ships; and that other outrages have been practised on our vessels and our citizens. It will have been seen, also, that no indemnity had been provided, or satisfactorily pledged, for the extensive spoliations committed under the violent and retrospective order of the French government against the property of our citizens seized within the jurisdiction of France.

I abstain at this time from recommending to the consideration. of Congress definitive measures with respect to that nation, in the expectation, that the result of the enclosed discussions between our minister plenipotentiary at Paris, and the French government, wil speedily enable Congress to decide with greater advantage, on the course due to the rights, the interests, the honour of our country.

JAMES MADISON.
Washington, June 1, 1812.

An Act, declaring War between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the Dependen

cies thereof, and the United States of America, and their Territories. "Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, that war be, and the same is hereby declared to exist between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories; and that the President of the United States be, and is hereby authorised, to use the whole land and naval forces of the United States, to carry the same into effect; and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States, commissions or letters of marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods, and effects of the government of the said United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the subjects thereof.

"JAMES MADISON." "June 18, 1812.-Approved."

Treaty of Friendship and Alliance

between Spain and Russia.

His Catholic Majesty Don Ferdinand VII. King of Spain and the Indies, and his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, equally animated with the desire of establishing aud strengthening the ancient relations of friendship which have existed between their Monarchies, have nominated for that purpose, to wit, on the part of his Catholic Majesty, and in his name and authority the Regency of Spain, residing in Cadiz, Don Fran

eisco de Zea Bermudez, and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, Count Nicholas de Romanzoff; who having exchanged their full powers, ascertained to be in good and due form, have agreed as follows:

Art. 1. There shall be between his Majesty the King of Spain and the Indies, and his Majesty the

of which, we, the undersigned, have signed the present treaty, and have affixed to it the seals of our arms.

Done at Weliki Louky, July 8, (20) 1812.

FRANCISCO DE ZEA BERMUDez.
The Count N. DE ROMANZOFF.

ander.

Art. 2. The two high contracting parties, in consequence of this Resolution, will come to an understanding without delay on the stipulations of this alliance, and agree. on every thing which may have connection with their respective interests, and with the firm intention to prosecute a vigorous war against the Emperor of the French, their common enemy; and engage, from this time, to concur sincerely in every thing which may be advantageous to the one or the other party.

Art. 3. His Majesty the Emper ror of all the Russias acknowledges for legitimate the General and Extraordinary Cortes assembled in Cadiz, as also the Constitution which they have decreed and sanctioned.

Art. 4. The commercial relations shall be re-established from this time, and reciprocally favoured. The two high contracting parties will provide the means of giving them still greater extension.

Art. 5. The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged within three months, reckoning from the day of their signature, or sooner if possible: in faith

[Published in General Orders, by the Commander-in-chief, General Bennigsen j

Russians!-The enemy has quitted the Dwina, and has proclaimed his intention of offering battle. He accuses you of timidity, because he mistakes; or affects to mistake, the policy of your system. Can he, then, have forgotten the chastisement which your valour inflicted at Dunaberg and Mihr; wherever, in short, it has been' deemed proper to oppose him? Desperate counsels are alone compatible with the enterprise he has undertaken and the dangers of his situation; but shall we, therefore, be imprudent, and forego the advantages of our own? He would march to Moscow,-let him. But can he, by the temporary possession of that city, conquer the empire of Russia, and subjugate a population of thirty millions? Distant from his resources near 800 miles, he would, even if victorious, not escape the fate of the warrior Charles XII. When, pressed on every side by hostile armies, with a peasantry sworn to his destruction, rendered furious by his excesses, and irreconcileable by difference of religion, of customs, of language, how would he retreat?

Russians !

Russians!-Rely on your emperor and the commanders whom he has appointed. He knows the ardent and indignant valour which burns in the bosoms of his soldiers at the boasts of the enemy. He knows that they are eager for battle; that they grieve at its being deferred, and at the thought of retiring. This cruel necessity will not exist long. Even now the period of its duration lessens. Already are our allies preparing to menace the rear of the invader; while he, inveigled too far to retreat with impunity, shall soon have to combat with the seasons, with famine, and with innumerable armies of Russians. Soldiers, when the period for offering battle arrives, your emperor will give the signal, will be an eye-witness of your exploits, and reward your valour.

Proclamation of the Emperor Alexander on the Russian Army breaking up from Drissa.

Beloved subjects!-In pursuance of the policy advised by our military council, the armies will, for the present, quit their positions, and retire further into the interior, in order the more readily to unite. The enemy may possibly avail himself of this opportunity to advance; he has announced this intention. Doubtless, in spite of his boast, he begins to feel all the difficulties of his menaced attempt to subjugate us, and is anxious therefore to engage; he is desperate, and would therefore put every thing upon the issue of a battle. The honour of our crown, the interests of our

subjects, prescribe, however, a different policy: it is necessary that he should be made sensible of the madness of his attempt. If, urged by the desire of obtaining provisions and forage, or goaded by an insatiable cupidity for plunder, be should be blind to the danger of further committing himself at such an immense distance from his territories, it would become the duty of every loyal Russian-every true friend to his country,-to cooperate cheerfully with us in impeding equally his progress or his retreat, by destroying his supplies, his means of conveyance; in short, every thing which can be serviceable to him. We, therefore, order that such of our subjects in the provinces of Vitepsk and Pskoy, as may have articles of subsistence, either for man or beast, beyond their immediate want, to deliver them to officers authorised to receive them, and for which they shall be paid the full value out of the Imperial treasury. The owners of growing crops within the distance of the line of the enemy's march, are commanded to destroy them, and they shall be reimbursed their loss. The proprietors of magazines, either of provisions or cloth. ing, are required to deliver them to the commissaries for the use of the army, and they will be liberally remunerated. In general, the spirit of this order is to be carried into execution in regard to all articles, whether of subsistence, of clothing, or of conveyance, which may be considered useful to the invaders; and the magistrates are made responsible for the due fulfilment of these our commands.

ALEXANDER.