REFORM OF PARLIAMENT,

&c. &c.

Ar a time when no small portion of the populace of the country have by the insidious arts of the factious been rendered dissatisfied with the constitution, and a clamor is excited from one end of the kingdom to the other, that our houses of Lords and Commons are corrupt, and are no longer to be considered as representing the people; when party, however subdivided as to other topics, enlists under one general banner, for one definite object, REFORM IN PARLIAMENT ; when public meetings of counties, cities, boroughs, called for the purpose of promoting that object, profess that they discover the source of all our national woes-whether taxes, dearness of provisions, paper currency, or any other evil, real or imaginary, in 'the corruption of Parliament;' when such is the state of public feeling,-the question of a reform of Parlia ment, as understood and intended by its advocates, together with all the train of ideas necessarily connected with itthe motives which give rise to the clamor, and the unavoid

able consequences of the measure itself, almost involuntarily obtrude themselves on the mind of every man:-and, if he be blest with even the smallest degree of penetration and foresight, can scarcely fail to excite in him some suspicion at least, that more is meant by the abettors of the scheme than they may deem it prudent to avow; and, perhaps, he may be pardoned if, feeling within his breast some spark of love for his native country, and veneration for the laws by which he is protected, he communicates his thoughts and his apprehensions to the public.

That he should be ignorant that a party exists having such an object, and pursuing that object per fas et nefas,' is scarcely to be supposed possible for what means of promulgation that ingenuity could devise have been left unemployed?—Not only the public newspapers have dedicated whole columns, to record the eloquence and the patriotism displayed at public meetings held for this purpose ;-but lest there should be an individual who might not have an opportunity of inspecting these records, and to whom the triumphs of the day might not be made known,—the very walls of the metropolis have grown white, with the bills posted to commemorate the glorious sentiments expressed, at such a time and at such a place, at a' most numerous and independent meeting of the Friends of Reform in Parliament!'

We may suppose that such assemblies were formed of men of different degrees of intellect, and of various tempers and dispositions ;-there we might discover the cold-blooded republican who could behold without a sigh, if he did not absolutely wish for, the downfal of the monarchy; the querulous declaimer against ministers and placemen, and the pert. flippant yelper who attends and makes a speech, in hopes of seeing his name recorded in the newspapers of the next day.

In many instances, indeed, the orations made on such Occasions are remarkable for little more than the low abuse with which they are fraught,-and are therefore more objects of contempt than of serious animadversion. -But, however contemptible their arguments may be-however divested of every thing that can intitle them to attention; the object of meeting is the same; here the standard of disaffection is reared, and the end, for which all repair to it, is the subversion of the constitution of the country.

We say, subversion of the constitution of the country. We should be sorry, by any inaccuracy of language, to misrepresent either the motives or the actions of our opponents: we mean not that they are arrayed in open and avowed rebellion against the government, lance to lance and horse to horse ;' but we certainly wish to be understood as saying, that by spreading discontent among the people by unfair statements and sophistical arguments, their purpose is to overawe the government into the adoption of those measures which would bring with them the subversion of the constitution.

That this is the fact, no one will, we presume, deny. It therefore behoves all those who, by contemplating the feeble constitutions of other states, have learned to prize our own; before they suffer themselves to be deluded by that most dangerous of all engines of mischief, popular clamor; in the first place to consider well the grievances complained of, whether they have any real existence or not; and, afterwards, if they should believe that such grievances do really exist, to weigh, in the scales of unsophisticated reason, the probability of redress, by the means proposed by the Reformers.

If it be contended that the acrimonious language poured forth at the public meetings above alluded to, does not always proceed from the rancour of the heart: if we are told

that such is the usual mode of debate on such occasions; that every orator who delivers his sentiments on any topic before a popular assembly is under the necessity of rousing the feelings rather than of convincing the understandings of his hearers; this declaration, even from the friends of reform, will not allay our suspicions; and it may perhaps be fair to answer, that this is no extenuation of the offence, because it is no diminution of the evil sustained. By such methods, or rather artifices, those who, from want of education or of information, are unable to form an accurate opinion on the subject proposed, are taught to be dissatisfied with their rulers, though they scarcely know why; and are required to place their confidence in those who, intrinsically, have not a grain more of integrity or of regard for them than those whom they defame and calumniate.

To enforce their doctrines, nothing that can operate on the passions or prejudices of the vulgar is left untried; in debate, no rules of decency are preserved; no language is too opprobrious: those who presume to differ from them are treated with insult and derision; no one is to be heard who does not echo the bellowings of faction and discontent. Thus, the liberty which they assume to themselves, they deny to others; and while they loudly declaim against oppression, are themselves the most intolerant of tyrants.

Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes ?

It is not then out of deference to the solidity of argument which these reasoners possess, if we may infer what they possess, by that which they have as yet brought forward, that we are induced to submit these pages to the public. It is not to rouse the cautious, or to inform the experienced, that we write to those, to the real friends of their country, in opposition to the hypocritical patriot, we boldly make our appeal; and look to them to confirm, by their honest

and independent sanction, the truth of every assertion we advance. It is because all are not cautious; all are not experienced; all have not learned, perhaps from an openness and ingenuousness of character natural to an Englishman, to distinguish between the real and the feigned; all have not learned that the patriotic Baronet and the gallant Admiral will advance doctrines which, if carried into effect, would render the estate of the one, and the rank of the other, a mere nullity; would render them of as little value as the parchment or the paper on which the instrument of possession of the one, or the commission of the other, was written. It is to these that we sound the alarm; and gladly join our voice to those who, with more skill, call on every Englishman to stop his ears against the declamations of political fanatics; for we conceive it to be a moral duty, not to risk that any should be made proselytes to reform, when, by stating plain facts, they may be preserved among the FAITHFUL SUPPORTERS OF THE CONSTITUTION.

Thus much we have said before we enter upon the examination of the question of reform as a measure of policy. To this mode we were compelled by the kind of adversaries with whom we had to contend, who, having unfortunately omitted to prove their right to be heard as honest men, before they claimed our confidence as politicians, have left us at full liberty to form our own opinions of the integrity of their motives; and we confess, and our opinion is formed from a review of their conduct, that we scarcely know of which we think worse; the integrity of their motives, or the wisdom of their measures. Having assured the reader of our perfect sincerity on this head, we proceed.

The grand question in debate is this; It is alleged that the lower House of Parliament is corrupt; this is the root of all our political misfortunes; and that a reform in this branch of the legislature is absolutely necessary to save us