CE the 012 + out the coasts of the Empire: that this loss would be farther enhanced by the additional expense of collecting the revenue at the outports; and that the public would be disgusted by the legions of Custom House officers, whom it would be necessary to appoint for that purpose. 4. That, in return for so many risks to the safety of both Empires, the public would derive nothing beyond the speculative and delusive prospect of some uncertain and remote benefit; while. the individuals, who, in their eagerness to discover a new resource against the pressure arising from the stagnation of commerce, seem disposed to overlook all obstacles, would find in the participation, so much coveted, of the Indian Trade, nothing but disappointment and ruin; it being absolutely incapable of that extension, which, from a lamentable ignorance of facts, they suppose private industry could effect. In offering a detailed elucidation of these propositions, I may begin by remarking that the prevention of colonization has always, hitherto, been a great and leading principle in our Asiatic government; and that, unless some new light has recently broke forth to show us that this grand measure of precaution has been founded in erroneous policy, it would appear to be the part of wisdom to continue in those paths, which have been so securely and prosperously trodden by our predecessors. The division of the natives of Asia into numerous casts, and the principle of perpetuity which pervades this distinction, if one may so speak, constitute a source of security to the permanence of our East Indian Government, hitherto unparalleled in the history of the world; and, as there is no great probability that mankind will ever again be edified by a similar phoenomenon, it is rather a pity that we should be in any particular hurry to adopt measures, which might prematurely destroy it. Here the maxim, so frequently in the mouths of politicians, of "divide and govern," pervades, in a practical shape, the population; and stands consecrated by the hand of time itself. Nor could there be a state of things better calculated to insure the happiness of a people, when, as in this instance, the views of their governors are invariably directed by a liberal, enlightened, and humane policy. Here the facts completely coincide with the theory; for there is not in the universe a people more happy, or less burthened, than those natives of Asia, who are under the dominion of the East India Company. The division of the people of Asia into numerous casts, and the mutual repulsion of these casts, constitute a state of things, of which the influence upon morals, opinions, and government, appears to have been but seldom, duly appreciated. To these circumstances, perhaps more than to all others, may be attributed the safety, amidst foreign wars and intestine commotions, of the British possessions in India. And, while they exist, they will con tinue in a great measure to obviate the danger, which would instantaneously arise from the active operation of public opinion, when adverse, in so extensive and populous a country. Did the population of Asia resemble that of Europe or America, or indeed of any other portion of the world, it is obvious that the power of the sword would afford but a precarious security to the duration of British supremacy in the East. As it is, I do not see any possible event that can endanger the stability of this power, far as it may depend upon these circumstances, but such a mixture of foreign population (which could only arise from the tolerance of colonization), as would weaken, or obliterate these characteristic features of the native inhabitants. in so It is true that this principle of perpetuity, or stagnation, if you will, has been regarded as a misfortune, by some very benevolent persons, who, in their zeal for improvement, have wished to see the natives of India imitate, even in their dress, the natives of Europe. I remember to have heard an anecdote, to this effect, related of a very worthy puisne judge, of the supreme court of judieature in Bengal. As the first judges, who were appointed to India, were proceeding by water to Calcutta, perceiving some barefooted natives travelling along the muddy banks of the Ganges: "Brother Chambers," says Mr. Justice Hyde, "I hope, before you and I return to England, to see those poor fellows dressed in buckskin breeches and boots." Sir Robert Chambers, who, with equal benevolence, was a better judge of human nature, only smiled at the simplicity of his worthy colleague. As on the permanency of this singular and truly characteristic feature, which distinguishes the population of the East, depends, in no inconsiderable degree, the duration of the British power in Asia, if it were practicable to assimilate in character the inhabitants of that country with those of Europe, I should applaud his philanthropy, rather than his wisdom, who should desire to see such an alteration speedily realized. Yet there does not occur to my mind any measure better calculated to produce that effect, unless a premium were offered to colonists, than that which is now in question. It will not, I apprehend, be denied, that in the progress of colonization, those leading traits of the Asiatic character, which tend so powerfully to secure to us their allegiance, would be gradually weakened, defaced, and obliterated. Nor can it be doubted that the danger to the existence of the British power in India would be equally certain, whether it should arise indirectly from a change effected in the character of the natives by colonization, or directly from the increasing number of colonists. Every one conversant in history, knows that it is the common course of distant colonies, whenever they feel a sense of their own strength, to feel also an independence of the mother country, and to acquire the disposition to embrace the first favorable opportunity of throwing off their allegiance. India cannot be supposed to form an exception to this general rule; and I cannot well comprehend how any man, wishing well to both countries, and understanding their true interests, can venture, in the present political state of the world, to recommend the adoption of a measure, which could by possibility lead to their separation. How far the measure of admitting private ships to the trade of India be of this description, is what we are now to examine. And I think it will appear manifest to the meanest capacity, that colonization, and the other evil consequences, which have been apprehended from it, would, especially on the extended scale recently suggested, be the inevitable results. The connection between India and Britain, in their commercial, as well as political relations, is essentially and in its nature diffe rent from any that has ever existed between other countries. Consequently, history does not afford us, in our reasoning, either parallel or analogy. With respect to the trade, or rather the navigation, which alone is at present in question, experience has shown that regulation is as necessary to its well being, as laws are to the maintenance of social order. But this is altogether incompatible with the indiscriminate admission of private ships, in the manner proposed, to the trade of India. The great distance between the two countries; the immense extent of coast, which encircles the British territories in India: the numerous ports and islands, belonging to so many different nations, by which the course of the navigation is interspersed; would afford so many facilities to the deceptions and depredations of the evil disposed; so many temptations to those whose integrity is unconfirmed; and so many chances of eluding detection to those who may have committed crimes, that I should tremble at the result, both in a view of public morals and of public safety, of the gigantic experiment of freeing a commerce so vast and so singular in its nature, from those salutary restraints, under which it has so long increased and florished. In the present convulsed state of the world, the rashness of such an experiment could only be equalled by its criminality. The facility with which Ministers have yielded to the solicitations of those mercantile and manufacturing bodies, who have, in their dreams, expected to derive incalculable advantages from the trade to India being laid open to private ships, could alone have been founded on an erroneous belief that it is practicable to make regulations, in India and in Europe, which would obviate the dangers that are justly apprehended from that bold and extraordinary measure. But all men of experience on the subject, know that this expectation is utterly absurd. By what code of regulations, indeed, could adequate restraints be imposed on the conduct of persons trading to India, independent of the Company's control, and navigating ships not in their service? Respecting the Code proposed, which is to effect those wonders, we have hitherto derived no information. Let us trace the probable progress of this new navigation.A private, independent ship arrives at a port in India. She there discharges the whole, or such part of her cargo as suits her convenience; reloads; and proceeds (if the Eastern Archipelago be comprehended in the space which they are to be allowed to navigate) to some of the islands adjacent to China, to New South Wales, to the South-West Coast of America, to the Cape of Good Hope, or in short to any part of Asia, Africa, Europe, or America; even to France, or the United States, if at peace with this country for it must be presumed that in the owners or supercargoes of such ships, not in the Company, or their agents, would remain the right of directing their ulterior destinations. Let us suppose, what would very frequently happen, that the commanders, or supercargoes, were also the owners of such ships; and that, instead of embarking for any definite voyage, their view was to avail themselves of such favorable opportunities as might occur, of engaging in profitable adventures, without being very scrupulous about the means. Might not adventurers of this description, after having perpetrated the most flagitious acts, even robbery or piracy, against the natives of India, or other acts of a more public nature, affecting politically the interests of the East India Company, find impunity, or even welcome and protection, by taking refuge in France or America? Might not many such adventurers, under the pretence of commerce, act as agents for, and be regularly employed to convey to India the emissaries of the powers at war with this country, or whose policy in peace is adverse to its prosperity? This, as every one is fully aware of, who knows the nature of man, and the state of India, is not to proclaim ideal or imaginary evils; but to anticipate certain and indubitable results. If there are, in this country, men base enough to aid French prisoners in escaping from captivity, is it uncharitable to believe that there are others who would convey the emissaries of that nation to our East India colonies; seeing that the chances of detection and punishment are so much diminished by the distance? What securities could the East India Company, or the nation exact of the owners of ships, not in their service, especially those sailing from the out-ports, which might not easily be eluded? Supposing securities were exacted, even to the full amount of the value of the ship, in case of any misconduct during the voyage, what degree of safety would be found in this measure? In case of detection, the real or ostensible owners might evade the impending storm, by taking shelter in a foreign or hostile port; or they might choose to abide the issue, having insured compensation for the forfeiture, from the individuals or the governments, whose projects their vessels were serving. These are consequences which ought to be sufficient, indepen |