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reinforcements, or it may mean the end of a diversion undertaken to relieve the pressure at Verdun and in Venetia, although the reserves of ammunition were, as in January and March, insufficient to enable our Allies to follow up their initial successes. The Germans continue their attacks on the heights of the Meuse, as though heedless of the events in Russia. The Crown Prince's offensive, however, was the chief item in their programme for the spring campaign, and, having been widely advertised, is not likely to be lightly abandoned. The capture of Verdun would be a useful counterpoise to the defeats of the Austrians in Russia, and the failure of their enterprise in Italy. How the situation in France may be affected by the depletion of the German reserves to feed the battle at Verdun, and to meet the unforeseen demands on the eastern front, only the future can tell. These, and other things at present obscure, may have become clear before this article appears.

As we go to press the first news has been received of a Franco-British offensive on an extensive front in France, north and south of the Somme. As is usual, the German front-line trenches, which had been rendered untenable by artillery bombardment, have been occupied without much difficulty on the whole front attacked, some 25 miles in extent. The merely topographical gains are, however, of far less importance than the effect which the coordinated operations in France, Russia, and Italy are likely to have on the plans of the German Higher Command and the moral of the German and Austrian armies. It is reported on good authority that eight German divisions were recently sent from the western to the eastern front to oppose the Russian advance; and the Archduke's reserves in the Trentino have been depleted for the same purpose. The enemy's resources are insufficient simultaneously to protect the vital centre at Kovel, and to oppose Letchitsky, whose progress in south-eastern Galicia threatens to make Bothmer's position on the Strypa untenable. This obviously enforced disregard of the menacing situation on the Austro-German right flank is significant of the strain to which the enemy is being subjected on all fronts, in consequence of the close accord now established between the Allies.

W. P. BLOOD.

Art. 14.-THE IRISH REBELLION.

To many people in England the recent outbreak in Ireland has come as a bolt from the blue. They had fondly imagined that, whatever else the war had done, it had at any rate settled the Irish question; that the patriotic speech made by Mr Redmond in August 1914 had shown that the Nationalists were heartily loyal to the Empire; that the fact of the Ulstermen having remained quiet when the Home Rule Bill became law proved that their objection to it was calming down; that the number of men from all parts of Ireland who had enlisted during the war made it clear that Ireland deserved and would be content with the moderate amount of self-government' provided by the Act; and that Northerners and Southerners, who had fought side by side in the defence of the Empire, would never again engage in internecine strife. Events have now shown how false these views were. In order, however, to arrive at a true conception of the present state of affairs, it is necessary to trace the steady growth of anarchy and disloyalty during the last few years, and to show how it has been fostered by the course taken by Mr Birrell and other members of the Government. It may then be possible to offer some suggestions as to the future.

In the first place it must be remembered, as Unionists living in Ireland had realised all along, that there was no inherent improbability in the idea that a section of the Nationalists might seek aid from Germany in order to obtain the independence of Ireland. It is true that many of their leaders had advocated the plan of remaining quiet until Home Rule had come into force and then using it as a lever towards separation. Thus Mr Devlin had stated in America that, when they were equipped with the comparative freedom of Home Rule, the time would come for Irishmen to operate by whatever means they might think best to destroy the last link that binds them to England. But these leaders had said repeatedly that the principles of the Nationalists of to-day are the same as those of Wolfe Tone; amongst their popular heroes none (with the possible exception of the 'Manchester Martyrs') are so highly revered as he is; one of their most important gatherings is the annual pilgrimage

to his grave, at which vast crowds assemble and speeches are made urging the rising generation to follow in his steps. It was when Ireland possessed a Parliament with wider powers than those which are to be given to the body set up by the Home Rule Act, that Wolfe Tone organised a French invasion, in order (as he expressed it) to break the connexion with England and to assert the independence of his country. If he were alive now, would he not turn to Germany?

The Nationalist leaders all this time foresaw the probability of a war between England and Germany, and formed their plans accordingly. In 1909 a party of delegates from the Hibernian Order in America visited Ireland on the invitation of Mr Redmond, and were received with rapturous greetings by all the Nationalist party. At the meeting held in New York before they started, one of the delegates stated that the Irish in America had made a compact with the Germans there ; and that he wished the English to understand clearly that, in the event of war with Germany, the Irish and Germans in America would be united in opposing them. Amongst Irish orators, few have had so much influence as the late Major M'Bride. He had formed an Irish Brigade to fight against England in the Boer War; and the Dublin Corporation had rewarded him by appointing him to a well-paid municipal office. His words came with all the more force, as he was not only the ex-leader of the Irish Brigade but was also understood to be the exponent of the views of the Dublin Corporation -one of the leading Nationalist bodies in Ireland. In 1909, when speaking at a Nationalist gathering, he said: 'I appeal to you most earnestly to do all in your power to prevent your countrymen from entering the degraded British Army. If you prevent 500 men from enlisting you do nearly as good work as if you shot 500 men on the field of battle; and you are making the way smoother for the approaching conquest of England by Germany.'

In 1906, when Mr Asquith's party came into power, Ireland was peaceful, and its prosperity was increasing by leaps and bounds. But in that country, however quiet things may appear, there is always a certain amount of political agitation going on beneath the surface. The

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'Sinn Fein' Society was already in operation. It is said that in its conception it was literary and idealistic; but the idea that lay at the root of it was that there should be a real divorce between England and Ireland-the name 'Sinn Fein' (which means 'Ourselves Alone') points in that direction; and there is reason to believe that even then it had (as most Irish societies do) become political, and was in touch with the Clan-na-Gael, the Irish Republican Brotherhood, and other advanced societies in America. The new Government, against the warnings of the police but in fulfilment of a pledge previously given to the Nationalists, allowed the Crimes Act to lapse; consequently, arms were imported largely, and the number of outrages with firearms in Connaught increased rapidly. In 1910 the National Boy Scouts Brigade, which was really a training-corps for young rebels, was established. The next year the Sinn Fein convention was held in Dublin; and soon afterwards it was ascertained that money was pouring in from America for revolutionary purposes, and that the extreme party had resolved not to be satisfied with anything which would leave a single vestige of British rule in Ireland.' Then the Ulstermen, realising what Home Rule would inevitably lead to, resolved if necessary to oppose it by force, and formed their Volunteer Army. The Volunteers were not guilty of any breach of the peace; while cattledriving and other outrages were rampant in Connaught, Belfast remained orderly. And, though the Ulstermen were preparing for civil war if necessary, they earnestly hoped that the danger might be averted and the Union maintained by peaceful means. When the war broke out, they did not hesitate for a moment as to the line they should take. In two days, 3000 Ulster Volunteers enlisted. Mr Asquith, seeing that the patriotism of Ulster was so firm that it might be traded on, broke his solemn promise and advised the King to sign the Home Rule Bill. When announcing this, however, he added: 'On behalf of the Government I may say that we all recognise that in the atmosphere which the great patriotic spirit has created in the country, the employment of force of any kind for what is called the coercion of Ulster is an absolutely unthinkable thing, so far as I and my colleagues are concerned; we would never countenance or consider it.'

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