XX. BOOK of men in arms, he inferred the conquest of France to be more desperate than ever. As to any disgrace 1794. that might be supposed to attach to a negotiation with the present rulers of France, the minister could not have forgotten that he himself had treated with M. Chauvelin, the minister of the Jacobin Republic, and lord Aukland with general Dumouriez, when at the head of their armies. Mr. Pitt alleged in reply, that it was not the design of ministers to conquer, but to save France, and to restore to it liberty and order, instead of anarchy and despair.-Should we attempt to negotiate, there was no probability that the French government would agree to any terms consistent with the dignity of this country. As to the French West India islands forming a proper basis for negotiation, he would rather wish them for ever lost to this nation, than that Jacobin principles should remain unsubdued. Upon that every thing dear to us depended. But by declaring in favor of any particular form of government to be eventually established on the downfall of the present system, we should weaken the general confederacy which now subsisted in opposition to it; and no scheme of government that might be substituted could be so pernicious to the interests of Europe as that severe and sanguinary despotism which actually prevailed at this moment in France. XX. The previous question being at length moved BOOK on the first resolution, it was carried by 210 to 57 voices. 1794. Mr. Sheri to the treaty On the day preceding the termination of the Motion by session, Mr. Sheridan moved for an account of dan relative the monies issued for the use of the king of Prussia-and for some specific information respecting the troops to be employed by him, con, formably to his engagements with this country. In a very able speech, Mr. Sheridan called upon ministers to declare, wherefore, when all they had asked from parliament had been granted, the hopes and expectations excited by them had ended in disgrace and disaster. This certainly demanded enquiry. What services had been rendered to Great Britain by the army of Prussians maintained at her expense? Was the march to Paris delayed because the king of Prussia was employed in massacring the Poles? And would this be accepted as an excuse for not fulfilling the conditions of the late alliance? The object of the war as avowed by ministers was manifestly unattainable; he wished to know if they were still resolved to persevere in it; and whether the bloody flag was to be hoisted, in order to declare to the world, that war was to be carried on till either the government of France was exterminated, or England fell in the attempt, Ministers seemned to expect that the XX. BOOK house would give them credit for ability in future in proportion as they had manifested inca1794. pacity during the past. They required support in return for delusion, and confidence as the reward of disappointment.-On this occasion Mr. Pitt again avowed in the most explicit terms, that the object of the war was undoubtedly the destruction of the Jacobin government of France; which he regarded not as a war of extermination or conquest, but merely for the emancipation of that unhappy country: and the disappointments experienced by the allies, were they ten times greater than they appeared to be in the exaggerated statements the house had just heard, made not an atom of difference as to the plan which prudence pointed out for the safety and preservation of the realm. He absolutely refused to give the least satisfaction as to the object of the motion; and threw out some injurious insinuations as to the motives of those persons who could wish such questions to be answered in the midst of a campaign. As ministers were responsible to parliament for the conduct of the war, any premature interference on their part would be highly improper.-Mr. Grey appealed to the house whether two disastrous campaigns were not sufficient to demonstrate the folly of attempting to destroy the existing government of France? If we were XX. unable to make the least impression, even during BOOK a rebellion in the country, what was to be expected from any future efforts? The interference of 1794, parliament was, he said, essential to the salvation of the kingdom. As to the motion before the house, it went merely to ascertain a matter of fact, whether the money had been paid, and whether the troops stipulated for were employed? This was said to be a secret: and it was indeed a secret why the treaty had been entered into at all; a secret why the money had been granted; and a secret where the troops were to be found. Mr. Sheridan, seeing no prospect of success, at length indignantly withdrew his motion. On the 11th of July, 1794, the session was terminated by a speech from the throne, in which his majesty was pleased to urge his two houses of parliament to persevere with increased vigor and exertion in the present arduous contest against a power irreconcileably hostile in its principles and spirit to all regular and established government. administra Immediately on the rising of parliament va- Changes in rious alterations in the administration took place. tion. Earl Fitzwilliam was declared president of the council, in the room of the justly lamented earl Camden; earl Spencer appointed lord privy-seal, the duke of Portland made third secretary of state; and Mr.Windham, secretary at war. Before BOOK the close of the year lord Fitzwilliam was pro XX. moted to the vice-royalty of Ireland; and the 1794. earl of Mansfield, late lord Stormont, and nephew to the famous chief-justice Mansfield, lately deceased, succeeded to the presidency of the council. Lord Spencer was, by a happy choice, placed at the head of the Admiralty; and lord Chatham, brother to the premier, who had for some years occupied that important department, by a change very beneficial to the public, was now made lord privy-seal. When the chiefs of the alarmists went over to the court, it was understood that, upon the first favorable opportunity, provision should be made for them and their partizans, which was now done in an ample manner. But no amelioration of the general system was discernible in consequence of this new coalition; and the character of the duke of Portland, at least, did not appear in a light more dignified or disinterested to the public at large by his acceptance of an office which he himself had, fourteen years before, strenuously labored to abolish, as superfluous in itself, and affording the means of corrupt influence, and that under a minister whose original appointment his grace had reprobated as an insult on parliament and the nation. Ten new peers were also created, and the duke of Portland's services still farther rewarded with a |