who would reside in England-who would have no connexion with Ireland, and possessed no knowledge of the people? In conclusion, he could only say, that if he wished to cut the painter between the two countries, and to introduce republican principles, he would vote for this measure; and he could assure the House he had not met a man discontented with British connexion who had not rejoiced at the proposal. He implored the House to reject a measure which would inflict one more blow on his unfortunate country.

It would, he feared, prove ultimately but a shadow and a sound; because he recollected when the noble Lord stated Dublin would not suffer so much loss, because Her Majesty would pay an occasional visit, he (Mr. Reynolds) had asked the noble Lord to insert a clause to that effect, and had been answered only by a nod, which satisfied him the clause would not be inserted. He wished to declare that the citizens of Dublin never had advocated the retention of the office on the narrow grounds put forward by the hon. Member for Mayo, but believed that the abolition of the Lord COLONEL THOMPSON was sure there Lieutenancy, while especially injurious to were many English Members who like Dublin, would prove detrimental to Ireland himself were unwilling to pass under the generally. The right hon. Baronet the sweeping description of following the beck of Member for Tamworth had admitted he the Government without any reason being entertained some doubts as to the wisdom offered for the course they were adopting. and necessity of the measure. He wished He was surprised to find that during the the right hon. Gentleman had given Ire-long debates which had taken place, no reland the benefit of his doubts. As a ques- ference had been made to a great precedent tion of argument very little had been urged a grand experiment, though confined for the abolition-indeed, the only substan-perhaps to the negative part of the argutial argument for the measure was "the ment-he meant the precedent of ScotConway tube." The right hon. Gentleman the Master of the Mint had pointed out, as a consolation, that the fourth Secretary would visit Dublin occasionally, but had not stated where he would take up his quarters. He (Mr. Reynolds) supposed it would be at "the Hibernian," or "the Gresham," and that the morning papers would announce the arrival of this locomotive specimen of British legislation at some hotel, which would be very good places to stop at, as he might receive very valuable information from the waiters. It occurred to him that Government were not anxious about the measure, and would be happy to make a creditable and satisfactory retreat from it; and, as one of their supporters and sincere friends, he would rejoice if they were rescued from their dilemma. They said, "Ireland has been badly governed, therefore remove the Lord Lieutenant." Now, he (Mr. Reynolds) condemned all references to those angry portions of history; because they were calculated to do much evil, and no good; and he would not, therefore, allude to the attrocities committed in the reign of Oliver Cromwell, or in the time of his royal successors in Ireland; but he would draw a distinction between the English of the past and of the present day, and he believed the latter were desirous of doing justice to his country. Would it be doing justice, however, if they were to substitute for the Lord Lieutenant a fourth Secretary-an Englishman, of course

land. He would ask whether the condition of that country a century ago, was not as bad as anything that can exist in Ireland, and whether every one of the arguments employed against the abolition of the Lord Lieutenancy might not equally have been urged in the case of Scotland, had such an office existed? John of Groat's House, it might have been argued, was so far off, and it was so difficult to get information without being at least as near as Edinburgh, and the communication across the border was so liable to be interrupted by floods and snow. But, for all that, was there any Scottish Member who would aver that the complete union with England had not greatly improved the country which he represented? The reason why he and other English Members would support the Bill, was simply because they believed the Lord Lieutenancy had always been, and especially in worse times than the present, the centre of the accumulations of evil which had afflicted Ireland. Who was the first Lord Lieutenant? Was it Strongbow? If not, it ought to have been. As an Englishman who admitted that there had been an almost incessant course of ill-treatment to Ireland, he formed this opinion of the office and its tendencies. He heartily agreed in the sentiment expressed by the hon. Member who led the opposition to the Bill, as to the danger to be apprehended on the side of America. He (Colonel Thompson) believed that America

Spaniards sent chains under the guise of ornaments, and who did not discover his error till he found himself a prisoner in the Spanish camp.

would soon look with the same eye upon Ire- | native American chieftain to whom the land as she was now looking upon Cuba. He was strengthened in that belief by the sentiments expressed, not indeed in a communication from an American Secretary of State for Secretaries of State were not given to be communicative on such points -but in a document put into the hands of every American man, woman, and child, that landed in England-a book that like Peter Pindar's razors was made to sell, and therefore it was quite certain did not designedly run counter to public opinion in America; in short, the American Guide-book for England, entitled the Tourist's Guide, or Pencillings in England, published in Philadelphia. With the permission of the House, he would quote a passage:

MR. P. S. BUTLER said, that he thought it his duty to his constituents not to give a silent vote on this occasion. He would allude to a speech made by the right hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth in the year 1844, when that right hon. Gentleman expressed his belief that absenteeism was the greatest curse upon Ireland. The abolition of the Lord Lieutenant would increase absenteeism. The opinion of Dean Swift was

"That a people long used to hardships lose by degrees the very notion of liberty; they look on themselves as creatures at the mercy of a Governtowerment, and feel that all impositions laid on them by a strong hand are legal and obligatory; hence proceeds the poverty and lowness of spirits to which a kingdom as well as an individual may be subjected."`

"While standing on the summit of the (at Windsor), the royal standard of England was proudly thowing out its silken folds to the southern breeze from the lofty pinnacle above, giving notice to all that royalty revelled in the banquetting-hall of Windsor Castle, and that its warders were on duty at their watch towers. While gazing and listening at the flapping of the royal banner, as if proud of its lofty height, I thought that the time in the western world who would live to see yon would come, and probably the child was then born silken banner give place to the stars and stripes of America, whose mandates would go forth from those massive portals below, dictating to the world, commanding nations to honour and respect the modest bunting that waved in signal triumph

from the towers of Windsor Castle."

These aspirations were significant, and the danger would be increased from many causes. Among others, there would no doubt be a number in Ireland, and perhaps in England, who would be swayed by the desire of a republican form of government; though he should have thought that late events both in France and in America had shown that the election of the head of the State, was the weak point in their form of government. But, the danger would still be there; and everything pointed to the fact, that a few years hence England and Ireland must be as completely united as England and Scotland are, or there would be an open door for the admission of foreign domination to them all. Providence in its good-will appeared to have removed the barriers between the two countries; for if the last newspaper did not misinform the public, the passage between Dublin and Liverpool was reduced to fourpence. He hoped Irish Members would not take it ill from him, for he never addressed himself to an Irishman without a feeling of comradeship; but he really thought Irishmen were making a mistake like that of the

That opinion applied to Ireland at the present day. He suggested that, as in olden times, the relatives of the SoveLieutenant, and when the young princes reign should fill the high office of Lord came of age they ought to be sent over to represent their Sovereign in Ireland. He wished not to give a silent vote, but at the same time he was not one of those Members who were in the habit of retiring to their closets to prepare their speeches, which they came down and delivered like parrots. He greatly regretted that he was obliged to differ in opinion from, and vote contrary to, many hon. Gentlemen from Ireland. He had the misfortune also conscientiously to differ from the noble Lord at the head of the Government, whose policy he had always admired, and whom he hoped he would be able to continue to support. He should on this occasion go into that lobby where he hoped to find a few honest men, and a few sympathising Englishmen, who would conscientiously vote against this Bill for the abolition of the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland, which would alienate the people of that country from England, and inflict great harm on both.

Of Lord MONTEAGLE, Lord WODEHOUSE, and Lord RoSSIE (KINNAIRD), against the Refusal to Hear Petitioners by Counsel, June 10, 1850, against the Australian Colonies Government Bill, (p. 943.)