The Amendment proposed by Mr. Alderman SIDNEY was withdrawn, the words "twelve hundred pounds" were inserted, and the clause, so amended, agreed to.

SIR B. HALL then moved the following Clause:

"That no compensation shall be awarded to incumbents, clerks, or sextons for the loss of any fees for the burial of persons who may have been brought for interment from other parishes."

hon. Alderman if he divided. It had been | from being anxious to exaggerate the fees, considered the other evening that 1,000l. the fees had been reduced since he took a year was enough for a dean, who was to the incumbency, at his instance, with the superintend the living; and if so, 1,000l. consent of the vestry. It was stated that a year was enough for a commissioner to the rector's fee was 9s. 6d. for the intersuperintend the dead. ment of each pauper, but only 4s. of that went to the rector; the rest went in what was called the churchwarden's fee, and to the clerk and sexton. Other matters had been stated with which the report would be found to deal. It was said that the Rev. Mr. Tyler praised the condition of the graveyard in 1842, and afterwards it was found in a bad condition. The evidence was given in 1842, and the statement upon which the charge was made related to 1846, and was examined and refuted in 1847. It was not to be denied that the system of pauper funerals was not such as any one could wish; but he (Lord Ashley) sincerely hoped that a remedy would be applied. If there could be any doubt of the necessity of such a measure as that now introduced, it must be removed by the state of the graveyards under the control of the parishes. The rector was not the chargeable party. This graveyard was under the management of trustees, of whom he was only one, and taking no more part than occasionally to interpose and correct where he had the power. The rector had not been cognisant of many of the misdeeds referred to; but no doubt a system had prevailed which was excessively disgusting, and which it was to be hoped would cease after this Bill became law. He (Lord Ashley) trusted that then the pauper would receive decent and proper interment.

It was known that certain days were set apart for funerals of paupers, who were crammed into a pit together, one funeral service read in the plural number, and a fee demanded for each interment separately, as if there was a separate service over each. This was a most indecent and disgraceful proceeding. In St. Giles's-in-theFields there were 360 fees charged for the burial of that number of paupers in 1847, and only about 100 services read, being about one service to 3 bodies. In 1848 there were 426 fees, and only 104 services, being about 44 bodies to each service. In 1849 there were 482 fees for only about 120 services performed. He believed that St. Giles's was not the only instance in the metropolis where this abominable conduct was pursued by the clergyman; and he thought care ought to be taken in passing a compensation clause. There were interred in St. Giles's burying ground a much larger number of bodies than the number of persons who died in the parish. MR. ROUNDELL PALMER was perThe rector charged 4s. for the burial of suaded that the hon. Baronet the Member each pauper, though five or six of them for Marylebone totally misunderstood the were put in one grave, and the clerical sex-ground on which these fees for interments ton read one service over them.

LORD ASHLEY begged to state, that in consequence of what passed on a former occasion the Board of Health had directed one of their inspectors to examine the state of things in this burial ground, and make a report upon it; his report was now ready, and would be immediately presented. The result was this: that the burial ground was constructed under an Act of Parliament passed in 1803, which not only gave power for the construction of the burial ground, but regulated the fees, and gave permission to inter non-residents; that the Rev. Mr. Tyler found the custom prevailing when he became rector in 1826, and conformed to the custom; but so far

The

were taken. The hon. Member must be totally ignorant of the mode of performing all the services and offices of the Church of England under circumstances in which more than one body was to be buried in the same place at the same time, if he thought it the duty of the clergyman to read the sevvice more than once. service was adapted to be read with the substitution of the plural for the singular. So with regard to baptisms, marriages, and all the services of the Church; and the fees were to be paid to the clergyman, not for reading the service, but for performing his office according to the custom and manner of the Church. Therefore, the hon. Baronet complained of the law

[The Report of the Select Committee relative to the appropriation of the galleries on either side of the House to Peeresses, and the unmarried daughters of Peers, and foreign ladies of distinction, having been read, the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod was ordered to carry the same into effect.]

he did not come out, I would address the | view those which preceded them-that House upon the subject. even before the question of the mediation or of the good offices of France was mooted, I had intimated my intention of calling your Lordships' notice to the proceedings of the British Government and of the British Minister with respect to Greece, and that that separate and distinct Motion was only postponed at the request of the noble Marquess, grounded on that intervention, which it was then hoped would lead to a speedy and amicable settlement of these matters, but which now appears unfortunately to have led only to fresh and increasing complications.

AFFAIRS OF GREECE.

It is far from my wish to drag your Lordships through the weary waste of papers which now lies on your table, or to give your Lordships one twentieth part of the labour which I have undergone in sifting and examining the substantial merits of this case. My Lords, I can only say that I have risen from the perusal of those papers with regret and shame for the part which my country has played. I have risen, not with a conviction with what little wisdom the affairs of this world are administered, but rather with what a prodigality of folly, with what a lavish expenditure of misdirected ingenuity, unnecessary complications have been accumulated, unnecessary difficulties have been raised, trifles in themselves elevated into matters of importance, and the affairs of the world literally not permitted to adjust and regulate themselves.

. LORD STANLEY:* My Lords, I know not whether, at the moment at which I rise to address your Lordships upon that most grave and important question which I have given notice of bringing under your consideration, the anticipations which the noble Marquess (the Marquess of Lansdowne) entertained some eight or ten days ago have been realised or not-I know not, I say, whether at this moment the unhappy differences which have prevailed between Her Majesty's Government and that of France have been brought to an amicable conclusion, or whether points of difference still remain unsettled; but I am sure I speak sincerely when I say, if they do so remain unsettled, I hope and trust they will be brought to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion. But in any case, whether those anticipations have been realised or not, I feel confident that the noble Marquess will not think that a sufficient cause for pressing upon me (as, undoubtedly, I shall not feel it a sufficient cause for acceding to the request) a further postponement of this discussion. Nay, my Lords, Before I proceed to address your LordI may be permitted to doubt whether the ships on the specific question before the postponement which has already taken House, I must be permitted to call your place may not rather have had the effect attention to the preliminary part of the reof retarding than of accelerating the final solution which I am about to submit to settlement of this question, which all must you, because I understand that to the most eagerly desire with a view to the wording of that preliminary part, some exgreat interests of the whole world, and to ception has been taken. That to which I the maintenance of the good understand- am primarily desirous of calling your attening between the Governments of England tion is not whether the misunderstanding and of France. In truth, important as which prevailed between France and Engthese circumstances are, vitally important land with regard to the affairs of Greece, as everything must be which touches the was a misunderstanding in which the one amicable relations and cordial good under-country or the other has been in fault or standing between two nations so powerful error. I am not about to call your attenand so intimately connected as England and France, yet I feel that this question, great and important as it is, is rather an incidental, and, as it were, a supplemental part of the great question which I am desirous of bringing under your Lordships' consideration-so much so that I must beg you to remember-for events of a more pressing nature are apt to thrust out of

tion to the question whether the peace of Europe is likely to be disturbed, whether the present arrangements are likely to be amicably effected; be this so or not, it will make no difference in reference to my resolution, because my affirmation is this, that the course which the Government has pursued by its violence-by its unnecessary interference-by its abstinence from commu

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nication with other Powers-by its intrinsic | sciouness of superior power gives to your injustice has been calculated to endanger, request the character of a demand, the and has endangered, the continuance of our more you should be careful to veil under friendly relations with other Powers. That the studied language of courtesy your de it has endangered them, few of your Lord- mand, whatever it may be, and to avoid by ships, I think, will be inclined to deny; the manner of your request wounding that that we may escape the danger, may be national sensibility which will always be probable; and that we have escaped it, found in an inverse proportion to the reGod grant that that may be true. I hope, sisting power of the country. I shall ask rather than trust, that these events will you whether this has been the course leave no sting behind, no ill-feeling between which has been pursued by our GovernEngland and France or any other of the ment towards the Government of Greece, great Powers of the Continent. But that in the course of these recent transactions. is not the question now to be decided. I I now wish to call your Lordships' notice ask your Lordships to decide whether the to the preliminary portion of my resolution, course pursued by the Government has not in which I call on you fully to recognise been such, as rashly and unnecessarily to the right and duty of the Government to disturb that harmony which ought to pre- secure to Her Majesty's subjects residing vail between all those great Powers. I in foreign States the full protection of the ask your Lordships to state whether, laws of those States." In laying down amongst the claims urged against the that proposition, I believe that I am corweak and feeble State of Greece, and rectly laying down the principle of interenforced by the naval might of this great national law on the subject. I am not empire, there are not some which are either now speaking of despotic Governments. I doubtful in point of justice, or exaggerated am not speaking of those countries where in point of amount. I will ask you, fur- the will of the sovereign is the law of the ther, on a review of the correspondence, land, but I am speaking of those countries portions of which I shall have to lay before under constitutional government, where your Lordships, whether these claims, if there are established tribunals for adminfounded in the strictest justice, have not istering the law; and I say, without fear been pressed forward in such a manner as of contradiction, that it is the duty of every to render their indignant refusal by a great foreigner residing in any State, voluntarily, State almost a matter of necessary conclu- and of his own free will, to submit himself sion; and although I am far from standing to the municipal law and local jurisdiction here to apologise for the excuses, the pre- of the State in which he lives. The full varications, which in some of these trans- protection of those laws he has a right to actions have characterised the conduct of claim and demand. If those laws are corthe Greek Government, I say those pre- ruptly administered, he has a right to apply varications and excuses find some palliation to the Minister of his own country acin the tone the imperious tone-with credited to that Court, to see that he is dewhich claims, even if they had been just, fended against oppression and corruption but, still more, claims which are not just, and malversation in the administration of have been forced on the compulsory adop- those laws; but all this is included in the tion of that Power. I am sure I am repre- demand "to secure to Her Majesty's subsenting the English feeling, I am sure, myjects the full protection of the laws of those Lords, that I am representing the feeling States," and if those laws are corruptly which animates every one of your Lord- administered, then he would not have that ships, when I say, whatever may be the full protection which, under the terms of question pending between independent na- my resolution, he has a right to require. tions-whatever cause of complaint one I will venture to say that no foreigner has country may have against another-the a right to pass by or repudiate the juristone and language in which that complaint diction of the ordinary tribunals-to abshould be urged, the manner in which re-stract himself and his case from the adquests for reparation or for apology should be made, should, at all events, be the same, whether addressed to the strongest and most powerful, or the weakest and most insignificant State. I go further, and say that it is consistent with the generosity of English feeling, that the more your con

ministration of justice according to the law of the land, and to prefer the diplomatic services of his own Minister to the ordinary operation of the law of the country in which he resides. Let me not, however, be misunderstood. I do not by any means intend to assert, that there are

no cases in which a foreign Government | triguing and caballing amongst themselves may interfere for the defence of its sub- --now the representative of Englandjects, except those which are noticed in now the representative of France-and my resolution.. There may be, and there now the representative of Russia, to obare, in despotic countries, cases of absolute tain, each for his own country, a predomiand gross oppression, in which the subject nating influence in the internal affairs of of another country has no protection, ex- Greece. Than this, nothing can be more cept by the interference of his own Minister fatal to the authority of the Government, in his behalf. In other countries, where and to the well-being of the people of there are laws, but laws corruptly admin- Greece; and, moreover, nothing can be istered, then the foreigner has a right to more unfavourable for the fair and imparcall upon the Minister of his country to tial discussion of those questions which, protect and defend him, not against the from time to time, arise between that Golaws, but against those who mal-administer vernment and the subjects of other Powers. and prevent them. It is notorious that since the period when these papers commence, since the commencement of the administration of M. Coletti, that which has been supposed to be French influence has been predominant in Greece, and the consequence of this has been that during the latter period of his residence at Athens, Sir Edmund Lyons was less a Minister accredited to the Court of Greece than the head of a party hostile to the existing Government of that country, and hostile to a Minister whom he considered to have been placed in power contrary to his exertions, and whom he was using every means to displace from office. This was notoriously so during the administration of Coletti, and afterwards during the successive administrations of Glarakis and Colocotroni.

With this preface I proceed to the general subject, and I call upon your Lordships not to enter upon the consideration of this great question without duly weighing the political condition and social organization of Greece. We have, in the first place, to remember that Greece is a kingdom of not more than twelve or fourteen years' standing, and a constitutional kingdom of much shorter duration. Although theoretically an independent State, it is, partly by treaty, and partly in consequence of circumstances subsequent to treaty, placed in a peculiar position in reference to three of the most powerful countries in the worldFrance, England, and Russia. Those countries have jointly guaranteed the independence of Greece, Unfortunately this is not the sole claim which they have upon Greece, for, in addition to the guarantee, it has contracted certain pecuniary liabilities and engagements which give to the three Powers a right (one, I must say, most dangerous in the exercise) of interfering in its internal administration. In any country the interference of a foreign Government in its internal administration is fatal to its prosperity and independence; it is fatal to its powers of development of its own resources, to its power of confirming its own constitution, to its maintaining the order and authority of its own Government, and more especially if the authority of the Government is to be exercised over a population, as in Greece, recently admit-mortification to the rival Ministers, to the ted to constitutional privileges, and in many districts, of a wild and turbulent character; and unhappily this has been the case (I throw no blame on one rather than another), that the representatives of the three great Powers appear to me rather to have been bent, not so much on securing the order and independence and strengthening the authority of the newlycreated Government of Greece, as on in

Then came the administration of M. Londos, who is said to be favourable to British interests; but be that as it may, the Government of Greece was for some time under French influence as opposed to ours; and the consequence was that it was not inclined to look with an eye of favour on claims, even when founded in justice, pressed upon them by a Minister who was doing his best to displace the Government to which he was accredited. In this state of things, every appointment, even of subordinate officers, Nomarchs, Eparchs, Hypomirarchs, and I know not what besides, was looked upon as a matter of personal interest, and of triumph or

exclusion of the national interests of Greece. Hence, too, a tone adopted on each side quite irreconcilable with anything like friendly communication between the two parties, and well calculated to excite feelings of national irritation. Unfortunately, those feelings were not confined to the British Minister in Greece. That tone of mistrust and defiance, that setting aside of all opportunities for reasonable