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pledge would be faithfully redeemed.-- render the army unnecessary by doing This renal gentleman affects to take it away the discontents of the people of Ireamiss, that the Prince's intellects are, by land ; and yet,' would these venal men Mr. O'CONNELL, supposed to be less liable fain persuade us, that the Prince's known to expose him to be imposed upon than disposition to atlopt measures calculated those of his venerable Father are so to ex to remove those discontents is one reason pose the latter. This is very fine, to be why he should not be entrusted with the sure, and especially after the publication powers belonging to a King of the United of the evidence of the Physicians, who Kingdom! He ought not, according to have given proofs of the melancholy state them, to be entrusted with kingly powers, of his Majesty's mind.--It is, besides, because he would, in this instance, at least, notorious, that the objection to the mea- | adopt measures likely to restore harmony sure of what has been called Catholic to the people, and to place the country in Emancipation, was, the scruples of the a state of secure defence; because (for King. How far it was constitutional, or there is the rub) he would adopt measures decent, to urge such an objection to a likely to make the people of one part of measure proposed to parliament, I shall not the kingdom an united people, than which 20w inquire ; but, as to the fact, nobody there is nothing that venal and corrupt men will attempt to deny it; and, if the Prince more sincerely dread. -It is, as applied has no such scruples, the measure would to this point, asked, how would the King by him, if he were unshackled, be, of feel, if, upon his recovery, he were to find, course, assented to, and, indeed, brought that the measure concerning which he had forward by his ministers. So far from such scruples, had been adopted during the Prince's disposition towards the Catho. his incapacity? The argument is a monlics being an argument in favour of any strous one, to be sure. It outrages comlimitations that might tend to thwart his mon sense. Yet, it is no wonder to hear views and clog his measures, it is a strong it urged, considering the quarter whence argument against all such limitations, with it comes. What a pretty state must the all those, at least, who desire to see Ireland country be in, however, if such an argutranquillized, and rendered invulnerable to ment were to have any weight ? Admit the attempts of the enemy. The state of this argument, and there is, at once, an Ireland is not better known to us, than it end of all notion of the Kingly Office being is to that enemy. He regards Ireland al- established and upheld for the good of the most as an ally. He may be mistaken in people. It becomes a personal property, his opinion; but, while our venal prints and the exercise of it dependent upon themselves declare, that a regular army is mere whim and caprice. What lessons necessary to keep Ireland safe, can we blame of republicanism are these “ loyal” writers the enemy for his opinion? These venal now inculcating! They have long told us men tell you, that Ireland is harrassed of the scruples of the King ; these scruples with French machinations and factions. have long been urged as an obstacle to a How did they come there? How comes it measure so anxiously desired by a consithat Ireland engenders these factions and derable part of his subjects, a measure pro, machinations? Why, because the people mised by one set of ministers and actually are discontented; and, therefore, the way brought, in part, into parliament by another to put an end to the French factions and set of his ministers, where it was received machinations, is, to put an end to the dis- without any opposition, and was proceedcontents of the people.That the Prince, ing towards its accomplishment, till those if left unshackled, would do this, there can scruples were expressed; the King, who be no doubt; and would not this be a very had those scruples, is now declared in a great blessing to the country? I mean, state of incapacity, in a state between denot merely to Ireland, but to the kingdom lirium and insanity, in a state of mental at large; for, those are very narrow derangement; and, we are now to look sighted people who suppose, that England upon it as a bar to giving his son full is not affected by this discontented state powers to act in his stead, Jest he, when of Ireland. We help to maintain the army, he recovers, if he should recover, should which we are told is so necessary to the feel displeased at this measure having been guarding of Ireland. We pay fifteen parts adopted during his incapacity! Any thing cat of seventeen of the expence of main so monstrous as this has seldom been taining that army. From this expence we broached in private conversation, and to should be relieved by measures that would put it in print requires, one would think,

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more impudence and more perfect con- | ples and traitorous views' and intentions ; tempt of public opinion, than has ever that the venal and corrupt crew; that tribe been known to be possessed by mortal of hypocrites, who have assumed the ap. man. If such an argument can have any pellations of the loyal,” and “ the King's weight, what a state, I again ask, must "friends ;” the public have often been this nation be in? To what a degree of told by me, that this crew have a regard degradation must we be fallen if such an for the kingly government only in so much argument can bave weight with any con may

be useful to them in their venal siderable number of people? Nay, the and corrupt practices; and, that, if they bare commission of it to print is but too were once to perceive, that they could no strong a proof of the tameness, not to call longer profit from it in this way, they it cowardice, which the writer, at least, would not scruple to become its most believes to exist in the nation; for, were deadly enemies. This I have always not such his opinion of the public, he thought. It was reasonable that it should never would have ventured to use such an

But, though I am not, when I reargument.Another argument against flect, at all surprised at what I now see, I vesting the Prince with full powers, is, did not, I must confess, expect to see such that, if unchecked, he might put an end undisguised hostility as these corrupt men to the wars in Spain and Portugal; and, now discover towards the Prince of Wales then, if the King should recover his senses, and his Brothers, who have come in for whąt would be his feelings to see his mea their share, from the moment it was known, sures, as to this important point, totally that they also were opposed to a limited changed, This was the argument made Regency ; that is to say, that they were use of by corrupt men at the outset of opposed to the measure intended to keep the disputes upon the Regency ques- part of the kingly power in the hands, in tion; and, indeed, it was saying nothing all probability, of those men who are now more than that, if the Regent changed the in place; the moment the venal and corministers, he would do all that was wrong; rupt writers discovered this, they fell, and the plain truth is, that the limitations tooth and nail, upon the Prince's Brothers upon him are nothing more, and can be as well as upon himself. The history nothing more, than so many means in the of the Protest of the Royal Dukes has been hands of those who would be in opposition given in the preceding Volume, at page to his new ministers, to thwart his views 1297, but, as the Copies of the papers and his measures. It does not suit the which passed between them and Mr. venal writers to say, in plain terms, that PERCEVAL have not been before inserted measures ought to be taken to render it by me, I here subjoin them in a note *. impossible for the Prince to go on without keeping the same ministers that now are * Letter to Mr. Perceval, dated, Wedin place ; that, if he will not agree to keep nesday night, 12 o'clock, 12th Dec. 1810.them, be ought to be so hampered as to be Sır; The Prince of Wales having assem. nearly disabled from carrying on the govern- bled the whole of the male branches of the sent; it does not suit them to say this in Royal Family, and having communicated plain terms, but that this is what they to us the plan intended to be proposed by . mean there can be no doubt at all, and to his Majesty's Confidential Servants, to the this object have all tbeir efforts tended. Lords and Commons, for the establishment And, indeed, why not this as well as any of a restricted Regency, should the contiof the other reasons ? For, what would be nuance of his Majesty's ever-to-be-demore likely to injure the King's feelings, plored illness render it necessary; we feel than finding, upon bis recovery, that his it a duty we owe to his Majesty, to our servants had been dismissed ? It would, there- Country, and to Ourselves, to enter our fore, be much fairer dealing, if the venal solemn Protest against measures we conand corrupt authors of the divers pub- sider as perfectly unconstitutional, as they lications in question were, at once, to are contrary to, and subversive of the tell us, that they wish for such limita principles which stated our Family upon tions as shall compelthe Regent to the Throne of this Realm.—(Signed)-keep the present men in their places, Frederick; William; Edward; Ernest ; during his and their natural lives. The Augustus Frederick; Adolphus Frederick; public have often heard me say, that the William Frederick. venal and corrupt, who have been inces Mr. Percepal's Answer, dated, Downing wantly accusing us of Jacobinical princi. Street, 20th Dec. 1810, shall be inserted in

the next Number.

After this protest, there could remain "ed Regent. “Once a Captain, always no doubt as to the part which the Princes" a Captain,” it is said in'the play, and so, would take; and, as I before observed, “ no doubt, will say the Princes. « Your from that moment the venal and corrupt" Royal Highness the Regent has called fell upon them without mercy; and, since“ upon us, in our character, as a Class, as the Debate in the House of Lords, in which Princes, as the Blood Royal, 10 exercise the Dukes of Sussex and of York took su « our initiative on the proceeding founding decided, so manly, and so efficient a part, your Government; and if we have the the rage of the corrupt writers, of all sizes power upon the most important measure, we and descriptions, has been unbridled. They must, of course, have it upon inferior probare now shown themselves in their truc ceedings. In future, therefore, we shall colours; their mortification has now de “ assemble in a body, discuss and decide deprived them of the use of their hypocrisy“ upon every step in the contemplation of and cant; they seem to have made up Government. We have got a deto, and their minds that fawning and professed “ are established in the right of deciding loyalty can po longer serve their turn; "what measares shall or shall not come before and they have now given the public a Parliament. Shew us the Ministry that specimen of what they can do in the way “shall, in future, attempt any great mea. of degrading dignities and pulling down “sures, without the previous sanction of our kingly government. The article, which initiative ! We; the superior class in the I am about to insert from the COURIER “ State, the Princes, the Blood Royal!" news-paper of the 31st of December sur “Such might justly be the language of passes, perhaps, any thing of the kind. “ the Princes, if their Protest were any There is certainly nothing to beat it either “ thing more than waste paper, at which in Paine or in Barlow; and, the reader the lowest Clerk in the Treasury must sneer. has only to bear in mind the print that it “ Sad and melancholy is the prospect to the comes from ! for then he will be at no “ Country arising from this most unwise loss to guess at its source, and at the real “ and unconstitutional proceeding! Who object of its author. · After inserting it I " is the evil genius that could advise the shall offer such remarks upon it as it seems “ Prince of Wales to resort to it? It is to me to call for." The public jealousy “ as unconstitutional and arbitrary in its “ of the new Estate which has so unexpect. “ nature, as the attempted cry against "edly sprung up in the realm, should not «« Fresh Taxes” for a due incone to “ be allowed to sleep. " The College of support the Regent, is mean, narrowPrinces," asserting an initiative, is a new, “ miuded, and vulgar. ---That the Princes, “extraordinary, and alarming institution in " themselves, bave resorted to this course " this Country. One of the most important “ of their own free will and mere notion, is “ principles in our Constitution is, that pub.“ a fact incredible. They must know, ulic servants shall be responsible. Hence “ that as Princes, they were nothing

it has been truly affirmed, that no son or more than greut Babics, with royal " brother of our King can constitutionally Corals and Bells, just learning to walk in “ be permitted to hold any office of trust, as “the paths of State ; and that by making " family feeling would rescue him from them English noblemen, with seats in Pars " punishment in the event of misconduct. ' liament, the King breeched them into « A great and striking instance of this nature - political manhood. As Prince Ernest lutely occurred. But if that doctrine be" and Prince Adolphus they were nothing “sound, what should be our astonishinent “ more than great Boys, kindly regarded e at finding not a Prince or two holding "' by the public, but without power or “public offices, but a new class, a new “ weight in the community; pretty crea" estate starting up to assert a right of giv tures for a Duchess to have dancing at a ing an opinion on any great measure in “ her ball, but of no influence in the Go" the contemplation of Government. The “vernment. To give them this influence " College of Princes! Such a College ex " they were made Peers of Parliament, to # isted in the Germanic Constitution, lately « associate them with the most powerful " laid low; but now, for the first time, it is " class they were made English Noble#beard of in the armies of Great of the most exalted rank. If the « The Princes protest against certain pro « character of Prince be not inferior to "ceedings contemplated for the establish “ that of Duke, why were they created ? * ment of a Regency; their protest is “ why not left with the title to which they

solicited and organized by the intend- “ were born ? As English Noblemen of the

“ highest title they command respect, be- view of the merits of the question. The “ cause their class is most eminently re- charge against the Princes, is, that they "spectable. As Princes they sink" back have arrogated to themselves the right of “ into the character of great loohy. boys, exercising a veto; the right of discussing “ with toys and rattles. What evil genius and deciding upon every measure in the con“has persuaded them to drop their par- templation of Government ; the right of de

liainentary for their princely character? ciding upon what measures shall, or shall not, " To take a step which, as they knew it come before Parliument. And, the asser" would be disregarded, must expose their tion of this right is, by this “ loyal” man, o impotence and excite derision? Let put into the mouths of the Princes; they "them act in Parliament,' but let them are, by him represented, as having ero "never be heard again in their princely pressed themselves in those very terms; « collective capacity, if they do not wish they are, by him, exhibited to the couns to become obnoxious. The history of try in this odious light; and they are furof the class of French Princes is not for ther represented as having called themselves goiten.”: -Well said, “ the loyal !" the “ College of Princes.” . And, upon that Well said, “ King's friends !" Well ground, he calls them a new estate started up said “ Antijacobins !". Where is now Mr. in the realm; and, he thereupon asserts, in Yorke's " Jacobinical Conspiracy" to the fullness of his " loyalty," that the public destroy the House of Brunswick? Where jealousy is awakened against them, which are all the associators against Re. he declares it to be his object not to suf“publicans and Levellers ?Where fer to sleep. --How barefacedly false this are now all, or any of, those myriads of is the reader will not need be told, when “the loyal,” who seemed ready to tear

he has read the Letter of the Princes to out the heart of MR. Wardle about two Mr. Perceval, in which they do not call years ago? Where are they all now? themselves a “ College;" in which the But, thus are our assertions completely word college is not used; in which they verified. We always said, that when assert no right at all to dictate to either these corruption-mongers, these publishers any ministry or to either House of Parof fawning paragraphs, these flatterers of liament; in which they assert no right the Princes, these varnishers of their and hint at no right io decide upon, faults, these hypocritical and canting or to discuss, any nieasure to be brought slaves, these MEAN, MERCENARY and before parliament; and, in which they do MALIGNANT men; we always said, that no one of the things which this man, this when these corruption-mongers should no mouth-piece of corruption, has not only longer find their private interest to square represented them as having done, but has with the cry of loyalty,they would dis- hinted pretty broadly that the having cover themselves to be the most bitter of done which ought to bring upon them the fate

all the enemies of the Royal Family and of the Princes of France.- -But, “ have . of kingly government. And, here, we they not meddled with a measure which

now see them actually at work to insult, in the contemplation of the governo degrade, and blacken the whole of the ment, and which was about to be subPrinces in a lump; to hold them up as

“ mitted to the parliament.. To this objects of public jealousy, and at the same question I answer, first, that, when we time, as objects of contempt and derision. speak of the government, in this counThe lowest clerk in the Treasury, we are try, we always include the King as the told, must sneer at their protest; and, we head of it; and will it be pretended, are told, that they have sunk back into that} the King had this measure in his great looby boys, in putting their names contemplation:

The Princes were speaking, to that which must excite derision; and, not to the government, as we understand that further, that this act of theirs, gives the word, but to the servunts of the King, who, country a “sad and melancholy prospect” it is well known, can legally do no act for the future.—Leaving all these con without his authority. There is, there. temptuous expressions to be digested as fore, a great deal of difference between they may by the persons upon whom meddling, giving their opinion, upon a mea. they have been bestowed, and who may sure contemplated by the ministers, as now, perhaps, begin to perceive, that they now are, and upon a measure that there really are men in this kingdom, who should be contemplated by the governwould wish to see a power that should ment with the King at its head. But, " lord it over being and people,” let us take a how came they to meddle with this meas


sure? What was it that gave rise to their | not communicate it to a living soul? Was interference? Why, it was the notification he not to show it even to his Brothers? made by Mr. PERCEVAL to the Prince. It And, were not those Brothers, if they was Mr. Perceval who elicited the inter- chose, to express their opinions upon a ference. It was he who took the first step. thing, which a member of parliament had If the two Houses have a right to make submitted to the consideration of a person what sort of Regency they please, without out of the House, without incurring the charge any appeal to either Prince or People, of erecting themselves into a new estute, into why was the plan of the intended Regency a College, having a previous veto as 10 all communicated to the Prince at all? If it measures to be brought before parliawas right to communicate it to him, he, of meat ? - It is notorious, for we see the course, was expected to give his opinion fact stated in the public prints several upon it; he, of course, was, by those who times in every year, that, when the micommunicated it, supposed to have a right nister has (how properly I shall not now to express his approbation, or disapproba- decide) communicated some contemplated tion, of it; and, if he had this right, what parliamentary measure to the President, was there, and what can there be, to pre or Chairman, or something else, of some vent his brothers from having a similar trading or mercantile body, the body of right; in short, what is there to prevent, traders, after taking it into consideration, any man in the kingdom from having such a send him the result of their deliberations, right ?-If to write a letter to Mr. Per- which is sometimes for, and sometimes ceval against a measure which he is going against, the contemplated measure ; and, to propose to parliament, be to assert « à we have generally, or, at least, very often « right of deciding previously upon what seen the measure persevered in, aban" measures shall, or shall not, come before doned, or modified, agreeably to such de“parliament;” if this be so, how is Mr. cision of the parties appealed to. But, in Perceval to find a justification for having case of the measure being persevered in, laid that measure previously before the did any one ever hear, or dream, of such Prince of Wales? He, in that act, did not, trading body being accused of dictating surely, mean to mock the Prince; he must, to the government or the parliament? however, so have meant it, if he did not Did any one ever attempt to represent such mean to lay it before him as a matter for body as having erected themselves into a bis consideration as to its propriety, or im- new estate in the realm; as having as propriety; and, if he was right in doing sumed a right to decide upon what should ihis; if he was right in submitting the and what should not be brought before measure to the Prince, to one of the Princes, parliament: as having assumed a right of for his approbation or disapprobation, had veto; as having erected themselves into not the other Princes a right to give tbeir a College with a previous negative upon all epinions upon it loo, they being all contin parliamentary measures ? Did any thing gently interested in whatever shall affect so absurd and so monstrous, so offensive she power and stability of the Kingly to truth and to common sense, ever before Olmce-Mr. Perceval, in this transac- enter into the mind of man? --But, it is tion, can be considered merely as a member not folly by which these venal and corrupt of the House of Commons. In that House writers, of all sorts and in all forms, are be must propose the measure as a member actuated. They are actuated by the of the House. Any other member might blackest of malice, that which arises from propose it. Any other member has the the fear of being deprived of the profits of same right to do it that he has. He has their venality. They see, or they think hut a vote like other members. It was as they see, the days of delosion drawing to & member of parliament, then, that he com- a close; they fear that things will change municated bis intention to the Prince of for the worse with them; they fear that Wales. How far this was right, or wrong, to be the steady advocates of corruption in a member of parliament, I shall not now will no longer be a thriving trade; and atlempt to ascertain ; but, of this I ain they are ready to tear to pieces, to reduce quite sure, that the making of the com to atoms, every thing which, to them, apinanication argues, on the part of him a no pears to have this tendency. The cloak made it, a clear acknowledginent of the of " loyalty" will, they think, no longer right of the Prince to express his appro- serve their mercenary and corrupt purbation, or disapprobation, of it. And, was poses; they have, therefore, cast it off, he not to consule any one upon the snbject?) and are ready to destroy that to which Was he to keep the thing to himself, and I th have long affected an inviolable

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