fatal obstinacy and insidious proceedings of the king, which really gave the grand turn to the course of events *. Fairfax. The rank and influence, as well as the exploits Sir Thomas of Sir Thomas Fairfax, pointed him out for the chief command under the new model. His father, Lord Fairfax, who held a Scottish peerage, had a wide influence in his native county of York, which he represented; and in the beginning of this parliament he appears to have been a member of the most important committees. The service which he rendered against the Marquis of Newcastle has been already related. But the military merit of the son was transcendent, having a parallel from none but Cromwell's; and as he had not a seat in * Clarendon's account of all this matter has been already so exposed, that it is unnecessary to dwell farther upon it; but Hollis has been esteemed an honourable man, and therefore we may make a remark on his statement. Some of Essex's troops mutinied, and he alleges that Mr. Solicitor St. John wrote a letter underhand to the committee in Hertfordshire to put them to the sword,-" a villainy never to be forgotten nor forgiven :" but the matter rests entirely on his assertion; and his credibility may be tried. He alleges that Cromwell's men also mutinied, crying they will have Cromwell or they will not stir; but so very different a course was adopted towards them, that he must be sent down, and they have their wills. Though Cromwell had pledged himself for their obedience, when the other party argued that the new model would fill the armies with discontent and mutiny: and that this was the pretext under which he was sent down. Mem. p. 31, et seq. Now the Journals, and they cannot be disputed, afford a flat contradiction of this, as they prove that he was sent down on a very difficult service. The testimony, too, in letters from persons of credit to the parliament, was that Essex's "were the most unruly, and that none appeared so full and well armed, and civil as Col. Cromwell's." Whitelocke, p. 131. This is confirmed by Rush. vol. vi. p. 16-18. For text generally see p. 7, et seq. parliament, he was necessarily the object of choice. Writers have been fond of paying a tribute to his heart at the expense of his understanding; but the fact appears to be, that he himself even at the time encouraged the idea, that he good naturedly adopted the suggestions of others, in order that, while he reaped the advantage, he might shelter himself from the odium of certain transactions; and that when the current had changed, he was particularly anxious to seek oblivion of particular branches of his conduct, under the impression that he was the senseless dupe of designing men. In talents for war he perhaps equalled Cromwell; in activity, deep policy, and ascendency over the minds of men, (which, however, Cromwell vastly promoted by his situation in parliament,) he was far inferior; and therefore, in process of time, descended into the nominal commander, while the real power centred in his inferior officer *. * Hollis, who makes Hazlerig a gross coward as well as Cromwell, and uses the most rancorous language regarding others, says of Fairfax," for a commander-in-chief Sir Thomas Fairfax is found out; one, as Sir Arthur Hazelrig said, as if he had been hewed out of the block for them, fit for their turns to do whatever they will have him, without being able to judge whether honourable or honest." P. 34. The same writer pronounces the keeping in of Cromwell hocuspocus; and Hume says, that the independents, though the minority, prevailed by art and cunning over the presbyterians: but the first should have recollected the charge all along brought against the parliament, when he was one of the leading men, and the following exposure of the absurd charge which was doubtless composed under his auspices, may be a sufficient answer both to him and Hume on the present occasion. "We must suppose that there are about ten anabaptists now in parliament, that first expelled the major and better The parliament has been accused of ingratitude to Essex, for depriving him of the command; but most will be of opinion that, as L. 10,000 a year out of the sequestrated lands were settled upon him for his services*, he was rewarded infinitely beyond his merits. During the summer and autumn, Charles had part, and then overcame the major and better part of such as remain behind: Then by authority of parliament, and some few other anabaptists in the city, they master and enslave the major and better part also by force, and then by some tumults raised, they drive the king and all his popish, prelatical, courtly, and military adherents from the city: Then they impose taxes upon the kingdom for the maintaining of divers armies, and hereby tyrannize as the decemvirs did in Rome, in spite of the king, in spite of nobility, in spite of gentry, in spite of commonality, in spite of papists, in spite of their own armies; and these not being sufficiently disconsonant to reason and nature, we must suppose that these ten anabaptists have been in travail with this design almost forty years: before king James began to comply with prelates and papists, and before prelates and papists began to conspire against protestants under the name of puritans, anabaptists were consulting in close junto how to get themselves chosen of a parliament; then how to get a parliament called; then how to preserve that parliament from being ever dissolved; then how to effect all these miracles by such means as 'none but themselves should ever be able to comprehend. Is not this a rare subject for our great wits at court, to work into proclamations and declarations? It is reported that the Lord Digby, of late, being at Mr. Knightly's house in Northamptonshire, in a parlour there, whilst his soldiers were busily searching, and plundering, and rifling the rooms, smote his hand upon the table, and swore that that was the table whereat all those civil wars had been plotted, at least a dozen years before. It should seem that Mr. Pym had sojourned sometime in that house, and that was sufficient for an inference that the nest of anabaptists had been there too, and that nest had studied something which neither our king's cabinet counsellors, nor the juntos of Italy or Spain could make defeasible." English Pope, p. 38, 39. by the two peace. sent two messages for peace; but as in these he would not acknowledge the two houses to be the parliament of England, they were considered in no other light than as a serious mockery, tending to render the breach more irreconcilable, and yet satisfy the clamours of his mongrel parliament and supporters, with an appearance of desiring a termination to hostilities, as well as excite, by such a shew of amity, discontent at the war in the adheProposition rents of the opposite party. To evince, however, houses for that they also desired peace, the two houses sent propositions to him by the Earl of Denbigh, and Lord Maynard, from the peers; Lord Wenman, Mr. Pierpoint, Mr. Hollis, and Mr. Whitelocke, from the commons; while Lord Maitland, Sir Charles Erskine, and Mr. Bartlay, attended for Scotland. The treatment which these commissioners, who obtained the king's safe conduct, received from the opposite party was such, that Lord Maitland, on one occasion, turned pale, imagining that they should all have their throats cut; and even at Oxford, Hollis disarmed one officer, and Whitelocke another, for abusing their servants; while they were themselves obliged to submit to the most opprobrious language *. Charles himself, however, received them more graciously, having allowed them to kiss his hand; but when they delivered the propositions, and informed him in answer to his questions that they had no powers beyond them, he, using the same language which he had done at the * Whitelocke, p. 111-113. treaty of Oxford, told them that a letter-carrier might have performed the business equally well *. He, however, resorted to his old method of seduction; and, having obtained a private interview with Hollis and Whitelocke, was so far successful, that they both appear, even by Whitelocke's account, to have endeavoured to procure his favour at the expense of their duty to their constituents +. He then, having prepared his answer, returned it to the commissioners sealed, and yet without an address; and when they represented against this, he replied, "what is that to you, who are but to carry what I send, and if I will send you the song of Robin Hood and Little John, you must carry it." To which they only said, "that the business about which they came, and were to return with his majesty's answer, was of somewhat more consequence than that song." His conduct in other respects was no less haughty, "which was wondered at in a business especially of this importance, and where the disobliging the commissioners could be of no advantage to the king." A debate arose amongst the commissioners whether they could, consistently with their duty to parliament, carry a letter without an address; but, after some debate, they agreed that this punctilio should not preclude a prospect of + Ibid. p. 113, 114. It was certainly contrary to their duty to act without the knowledge of the other commissioners, to have a private interview with the king, and advise him in regard to propositions that should proceed from him. Whitelocke wrote such out with his own hand, though he disguised his writing; and when this afterwards was made by Lord Savile a ground of charge, "all the ex |