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In December this year, the parliament and people sustained a great loss in the death of Pym, whose poverty at his decease put a period to the ceaseless charges of the royalists, that he was amassing an immense fortune at
Warren, assuring you, that that service shall not be hindered by the arrival of a more powerful head." (This, of course, was Leicester, the lord-lieutenant, who was purposely kept in England by Charles.) "And I earnestly desire you (for many reasons, which I have Mt time now to set down) to send me word, with all speed, the particulars of this business, as how, when, and in what measure it will be done, as likewise what use they will make of Mr. Bourke's dispatch in relation to it. Accommodation is much spoken of here, I having yesterday received propositions from the parliament; but those that see them will hardly believe that the propounders have any intention of peace; for certainly no less power than His, who made the world of nothing, can draw peace out of these articles." (This evinces with what disposition the treaty of Oxford was entered into.) "Therefore, I leave you to judge what hope there is for you to receive supplies from hence, which you should not want were it in the power of," &c. On the 8th, he writes—" I am glad that mine of the 12th of January are come to your hands, and that you will lose no time in the prosecution of that business, commanding you to slacken nothing in it, whatsoever the Justices may say or do. I would not this way seem to doubt your diligence in obeying my commands, but that J find, towards the conclusion of your letter, that the justices intend to desire of me a stop of the execution of thai commission; and I know that I need not bid you hinder, as much as you may, the concurrence of my Protestant subjects. This last of yours, if I be not deceived, shews me clearly that my commands by Major Warren are very feasible; wherefore I desire you earnestly to lose no time in that neither, and that you would, with all speed, send me Warren over, very particularly instructed, which way and when I may expect the performance of that business, with all the circumstances conducing to it." Vol. ii. App. p. 2, 3. See further, a letter on the 22d, and one on St. Patrick's day, in which he says—" Besides what you will receive in answer to your last dispatch by my secretary, I must add this, to desire you to send to Chester as many muskets as you can spare, with all expedition. I would wish 2000, and likewise forty barrels of powder to the same place." And on the 93d of March he writes, "J the public expense; but a new calumny succeeded, that he had been cut off' for his iniquity by the loathsome disease, morbus pedicularis, with -which Sylla had been affected—a disease which has absurdly be enascribed to many *. His body was
have so fully intruded this trusty bearer, that I add nothing, but only by way of memorandum, that the Lord Forbes's fleet is to be seized" (this lord commanded troops from Scotland to suppress the Irish rebels,) " whether there be peace with the Irish rebels or not; but not to be undertaken except you be more than competent to do it: And if there be peace in Ireland, then my Irish army is to come over with all speed to assist me, and not else, except I send you word." Ib.— Now, if this be considered, along with the plot with Antrim, and the whole correspondence in the third volume of Carte's Ormond, it will set matters in a very strange light. See from p. 130 to 266. It appears by a letter from Digby to Ormonde, 29th November, that Antrim, who had been liberated by the interposition of the king, (see p. 213,) had returned to his old project; and yet it was in January following, that the commission which is in the Clarendon Papers was granted to him. See Borlace's Ireland, p. 103, 104, 111 112, 114, 121, 128,129, 135. See Clar. vol. iii. p. 159, etseq. Rush. voL v. p. 348, et seq. Whoever will attend to what we have quoted and referred to, and to what we have formerly proved on this subject, will not entertain a doubt on the matter. The very fact, indeed, that Charles wished a pretext for bringing over the English-Irish army to England, and thence encouraged the officers to complain, and that he had projected the introduction of the Irish rebels long before the cessation, affords a presumption which is insurmountable. Carte, who abuses all who opposed the royal designs, charges Monro, who refused an earldom, and upwards of £2000 per annum, as a bribe to join Charles, with having indifferently plundered friend and foe; but it is strange that the Protestants did not complain.
"Rush. vol. v. p. 376. Whitelocke, p. 69. Clarendon, vol. iii. p. 462. Journals of the Commons. See Letters in third volume of Carte's Ormonde. The malice of Clarendon makes him repeat the silly tale (which he probably assisted to invent) regarding the cause of Pym's death, and endeavour to destroy his character for integrity by a story which, like the other, only reflects against himself; that one of the witnesses against Strafford, "an Irishman of very mean and exposed for some time, to refute the groundless clamour. It was believed, that the load of business, with anxiety for the public service, overpowered a naturally infirm constitution at an advanced period of life. His debts were paid by the parliament.
low condition, afterwards acknowledged, that being brought to him as an evidence of one part of the charge against the lord-lieutenant, in a particular of which a person of so vile quality would not be reasonably be thought a competent informer, Mr. Pym gave him money to buy a satin suit and cloak, in which equipage he appeared at the trial, and gave his evidence." Now surely, if this person of vile quality was not worthy of credit, upon his oath against"Strafforde- he should not, on his bare word, have been believed against Pym, when the restoration (for that undoubtedly was the " afterwards") had put all power in the hands of Clarendon's own party. But who was this witness? What did he swear to? To whom did he make this important disclosure? Clarendon is prudently silent as to all this. The same writer denies the great natural talents of Pym, and alleges that they were not much adorned with art; but he admits his capacity for business, and allows that " he had a very comely and grave way of expressing himself, with great volubility of words, natural and proper." But see what Baillie says of his powerful eloquence, in his Journal of Strafforde's Trial.
State of the Court and Royal Army—Assembly of the Mock or Mongrel Parliament at Oxford, and its proceedings —Ruin of the English-Irish Regiments brought by Charles to England—Entrance of the Scots, and their junction with Fairfax after his victories at Selby—Siege of York, andjunction ofManchester's Army with Fairfax's and the Scottish—Exploits of Rupert, and Battle ofMarston Moor—Character of Cromwell and of the Independents—Battle of Cropredy Bridge—Essex's Forces disarmed—Second Battle of Newbury—Self-denying Ordinance—Fairfax—Montrose's proceedings in Scotland —Treaty of Uxbridge—Execution qf Laud.
In his attempt to escape from the wholesome controul of his grand council, Charles only incurred a severer thraldom. To the complaints and insatiable demands of those who supported him, and who, putting a due value on their own services, shewed that they did not mean to vindicate his claims without a proper return, the royal ear must be ever open; and if any received the slightest check in his unwarrantable pretensions, he threatened to leave the kingdom. Having set the example of trampling upon all law but that of force, he taught the soldiers to regard the sword as the origin of legitimate government, and consequently to despise the council as subordinate to the army. With a respect for the law of the land, the officers threw off that likewise for military discipline, and the ordinary decency of morals, having become addicted to the grossest intemperance and licentiousness, which soon infected the whole army. The council, which wanted all the vigour of a popular meeting, was rent into factions, all forgetting the cause in their intrigues for place, honours, and emolument, and each aiming at the ruin of his neighbour. But he, flattering himself that, after he had used his present instruments to overturn the constitution, he might either restrain or change them, was not moved by this melancholy posture of affairs, to conceive the idea of attempting to recover the place of a legal monarch; yet it is most certain, that, as the government which he desired would have been opposed to the affections of his people, he must have been little better than the slave of the military, on whom alone, in that event, he could have depended *.
Charles, having learned advisers, who told him that, in their "opinion, the act for the continuance of the parliament was void from the beginning, as it was not in the power of the king to bar himself from the power of dissolving it, which is to be deprived of an essential part of his sovereignty," had
* Clar. vol. iii. p. 384, et seq. and other references in our preceding page 449.