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Hothams; but the plot having, as it was ripe for execution, been luckily discovered, both father and son were sent to London, where they underwent the just punishment of their villany *. The preservation of Hull proved the safety of Fairfax. After a brilliant career he had been attacked at Atherton-moor by the Earl of Newcastle, with a superior force, especially in cavalry, and had been utterly defeated and pursued into Hull, where he was soon besieged. Before beginning the siege, however, Newcastle directed himself towards Gainsborough, which, after a desperate attack, was surrendered to him. This town had, a little before, been taken by assault for the parliament, by Cromwell, who "now," says Whitelocke, " began to appear to the world. He had a brave regiment of horse of his countrymen, most of them freeholders, and freeholders' sons, and who, in matter of conscience, engaged in this quarrel under Cromwell, and thus being well armed within by the satisfaction of their own consciences, and without by good iron arms, they would as one man stand firmly and charge desperately t." On that occasion, there fell the Earl of Kingston, and a son of the Earl of Devonshire; but Cromwell having been obliged to recruit his little army, and Newcastle, after the defeat of Fairfax, having advanced

* It is amazing to see Mr. Hume condemn the parliament for this piece of justice. Had any of Charles's officers acted a similar part, would any one pretend that he did not deserve death? Having engaged with the parliament, they ought surely to have been faithful to it, or surrendered their commission.

t Whitelocke, p. 72.

tyith six thousand horse and foot, when there was no sufficient force to cope with him, forced Gainsborough in several places, and obliged Lord Willoughby to surrender it on the condition of being allowed to march away with bag and baggage. Willoughby carried his troops to Lincoln; but the Earl dislodged them, and placed a garrison there for the king. After this good fortune he was created Marquis, and sat down before Hull *.

In the meantime, Sir Thomas Fairfax had raised twenty-five troops of horse and dragoons, and two thousand foot, with part of which having been driven from Beverley, he joined Cromwell, who had recruited his forces, and the Earl of Manchester, who also raised an army by an ordinance of parliament. On the 11th of October, they engaged part of the Marquis's forces at Horn-Castle, in Lincolnshire, and defeated them. In dragoons and horse, both sides, were nearly equal. Cromwell commanded the van, and charged with the utmost resolution; but his intrepidity had nearly proved fatal to him. His horse having been killed under him, tumbled above him, and, as he attempted to rise, he was again knocked down by Sir Arthur Ingram, the gentleman who had assaulted him. He, however, got up, and having seized "a poor horse in a soldier's hand," returned to the charge. The van of the royalist horse gave way, and threw the reserve into disorder: Manchester's cavalry then, availing themselves of the advantage,

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put the whole to the rout. The parliamentary foot now advanced ; but the horse had already done the business. A thousand of the royal party fell on that day, while the opposite side sustained a very small loss, which did not include one man of note. So far were matters now changed, that the parliament, which had been inferior in horse, though superior in foot now under Cromwell, began to excel far more in cavalry than it had ever done in infantry. On the following day, Lord Fairfax, who had beat off many attempts of Newcastle on Hull, by a desperate sally, obliged that nobleman to raise the siege *. The tide of war was now, therefore, completely changed in the north, as well as in the south ; and there is small reason to doubt that the parliament would have prevailed in the struggle though the Scots had never entered England. We have already seen what had occurred in regard to Scotland; but it may be necessary to advert to the feelings and views of the people of that country. The Covenanters have been described by a late celebrated historian, as having been solely actuated by ridiculous fanaticism; but, when we examine the most legitimate sources of information—the familiar letters of one of the chief covenanting clergy, addressed to his brother-in-law— we see matters in a very different light. All men who zealously embrace any opinion, not only on

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political and religious subjects, but even on those which do not appear to affect human interests, are anxious that others should adopt it, and regard with particular satisfaction, all, wherever situated, who concur with them in sentiment. In religious or political matters, all benevolent minds desire that others should enjoy that happiness which they admire in their own institutions. But when there is reason to believe that the chief magistrate lies in wait to overturn the civil and religious rights, every one must feel his interests at home strengthened by the diffusion of the same principles abroad, and therefore watches the proceedings in other states, with a concernment approximating to what he does those in his own.

English affairs, however, came at once home to the bosoms of the Scots as their own, for they lived under the same king, and plainly perceived that he required only the conquest of the sister kingdom in order to overwhelm Scotland, and restore the civil and religious bondage which they had so intrepidly cast off. On the other hand, as there was a party in Scotland busy to raise a faction there, which should overpower the Covenanters and join the king, it was scarcely possible for the latter to be quiet. It is as true that a portion of the English parliament looked for the help of the Covenanters in their internal struggle. The intrigues of Montrose, Aboyne, and the Hamiltons, were early suspected; and the second seizure of the Earl of Antrim by Monro, enabled them to develop the whole horrid plot, by papers found on his person. After this, which struck them with dismay, for matters were blacker than they imagined, neutrality was impossible; and as they might summon a convention of estates, which in a great measure possessed the powers of a parliament, and which Charles opposed in vain, they, under that name, accomplished the object which they were denied by the king. Much was their disappointment, therefore, at the backwardness of the English parliament in soliciting their assistance; and they seem, latterly, to have listened greedily to all accounts of its disasters, which they flattered themselves would lead to that event. The matter was opposed by the aristocratical portion of the houses; but the more popular succeeded at last in carrying the measure; and commissioners, of whom Sir Henry Vane the younger was the chief, were dispatched to Scotland, for the purpose of establishing a league with that nation. Though the Scots were deeply imbued with a sense of the superiority of their religious establishment over those of all other states, they did not permit their enthusiasm to withdraw them from mere worldly affairs. Imagining that the English were almost overpowered by the king, they flattered themselves that it would be reserved for their army to suppress the royal forces; and that then, in conjunction with the Presbyterian party, they would be enabled to dictate both in civil and ecclesiastical matters, and thus open to themselves the offices in church and state. The English commissioners were instructed to

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