Immediately after the dismissal of Lunsford, but before it was publicly known, the citizens flocked down tumultuously to Westminster-hall, crying out no bishops, and Williams, who was on his way to the house of Lords, seized one of the mob whom he observed to cry against the hierarchy. But the young man's comrades so hemmed in the prelate, that he was obliged to let him go, and they all bawled out against bishops. At this time one David Hyde "a reformado in the late army against the Scots," began to bustle, declaring he would cut the throats of those round-headed dogs, (the origin of the term round heads, afterwards given so liberally to the parliamentary party,) and drawing his sword, called upon some military friends to back him; but they declining, he was apprehended by the populace, and complained of to the commons, by whom he was committed, and deprived of the employment to which he had been appointed in Ireland. That very day Lunsford afforded a striking proof of his aptitude for mischief: at the head of about thirty or forty friends, he attacked the citizens and apprentices who were near the parliament, sword in hand, and wounded many. The apprentices hearing of this, came down to Westminster with swords, staves, &c. and alarming tumults ensued. Lunsford, Hyde, and their party, now formed themselves into a sort of regular body against those whom they called the mob, and having been joined by a great number of soldiers of fortune, who had served in the late army, they not only assaulted the populace violently,

wounding many, but began also to use menaces

against the parliament itself *.

remonstrance of

the state of the

nation.

To appease the public mind, to lessen the influ- Answer to the ence of parliament, and gain a party, an answer was the commons on published to the remonstrance. This answer was the secret production of Hyde, and certainly does credit to his talents. He alleges, with what-sincerity may be questioned, that he had merely drawn it for his private amusement, but that having shewn it to Lord Digby, he requested that he might allow it to be read to the king; and it having gained his majesty's approbation, was printed accordingly t. In this answer, the king is made to decline any argument regarding the evils enumerated in the remonstrance, or the laws enacted for redress of them, but to declare that he would preserve the great concessions which he had made, from a sincere purpose of meliorating the condition of his subjects to the utmost of his ability; and that, perhaps, the people might have a pious sense of the many blessings which they had enjoyed under his government for the last sixteen years not only in comparison of other countries, but even of those periods of their own history that were accounted most fortunate: That with regard to the popular fears and jealousies about their religion and civil rights, they were altogether un

*Rush. vol. iv. p. 463. Williams would have been

Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 338, et seq. says that murdered, had it not been for the timely assistance of some friends; but the statement derives no support from Rush.

Clar. Life, p. 44-85.

founded; for that, as he was neither a favourer of papists, nor unacquainted with the grounds of dif ference between the Romish and the English church, so he would seal his faith with his blood: That he was resolved to maintain the present establishment, but that, as for some ceremonies, in themselves indifferent, he would not object to a law for the exemption of tender consciences, provided the measure were proposed with modesty and submission, and without discountenancing the decency and comeliness of God's worship: that he had, on the other hand, to complain of seditious and scandalous pamphlets and sermons, which he was amazed to find had so many readers and hearers, as it was a fit prologue to nothing but confusion, and which therefore it was his province to punish condignly: That again, as to their civil rights and interests, he had erected many monuments of his princely and fatherly care of his people, in those many excellent laws which had been passed in the present parliament: That with regard to his ministers, he neither had protected them, nor would in future; but that as the right of choice was vested in him, so he would never renounce it. "If," he is made to say, "notwithstanding this, any malignant party shall take heart, and be willing to sacrifice the peace and happiness of their country to their own sinister ends and ambition, under whatever pretence of religion and conscience-if they shall endeavour to lessen my reputation and interest, and to weaken my lawful power and authority-if they shall attempt, by discountenancing the present laws, to loosen the bonds of

government, that all disorder and confusion may break in upon us-I doubt not but God in his good time will discover them to me, and that the wisdom and courage of my high court of parliament will join with me in their suppression and punishment." He concludes with declaring his abhorrence of the Irish rebellion, and his invariable desire to suppress it, which he had lately evinced by a message to the lords, by which he proposed to raise 10,000 volunteers a fact which he published to contradict the malicious whispers of some, that the preparations had hitherto been prevented by him.

This publication was calculated to make a great impression. The aristocracy began to be alarmed at the popular spirit which daily arose; the salutary laws that had been passed were obvious to all, while the perpetual source of jealousy in the commons might be overlooked. The prince who stands convicted of attempts to overturn the fundamental laws of his country, by means of the power which has been intrusted to him for the public good, and has repeatedly deceived his subjects after the most solemn engagements, justly forfeits their confidence for ever; and even the late measures of Charles had inspired incurable jealousy in every reflecting breast. Nor could it be unknown to the parliamentary leaders, that, during his re. sidence in Scotland, he had been hunting for the means of their destruction. No change of government could be expected from a prince that obstinately adhered to those counsels which had

he

already proved so pernicious; and his conduct in regard to the bill for pressing still evinced that yet conceived it to be within the scope of his prerogative to force into his service whomsoever he pleased, which implied, that the greatest patriots might in that form be objects of persecution. Add to this, that he was widely suspected of having been accessary to the Irish rebellion.

The impression which the answer to the remonstrance might have made, however, was destroyed by other events. The cry against episcopacy daily increased; and the prelates began to apprehend that the bill which depended in the upper house for its abolition might be passed by the lords when the royal assent could with difficulty be withheld. To maintain their ground, therefore, a most extraordinary course was adopted. It has been seen that Williams, on his passage to the lords, had been prevented from apprehending one of the populace, Protestation of whom he observed to cry out against the bishops, and he, with eleven more, alleging that their access free parliament, to the house was obstructed, took a protestation passed in their against all acts which might be passed in their absence. This protestation was approved of by the king before it was presented by the lord keeper to the upper house, to be by it communicated to the lower; and, as it was consentaneous to the royal proceedings in Scotland, it ought rather to be ascribed to the continuance of the counsels that directed matters relative to that country, than, as the malice against Williams has dictated, to his individual violence. Even the lord keeper was equally

the bishops that

this was not a

and that all acts

absence should be null.