regard to property to the most unjustifiable lengths, and no man could predict where the commissions for defective titles would end. It is true, that many of the British settlers, as the Scots-had felt his power and injustice, yet the natives could not but observe that, ultimately, every proceeding of that kind would fall most severely upon themselves, whose manners were unfavourable to the projected improvements, and who had neither the same access to the English court, nor money to purchase an exemption from injustice. The height of the evil may be conceived, from the circumstance of the four counties of Connaught having lately been found by packed inquests to belong to the crown; and from extensive territories in Munster and Clare being in the same predicament.

The Irish, who had in an eminent degree the national pride, with all the feelings and prejudices of a people attached to their country, regarded the British settlers with contempt, as upstart adventurers, as well as with abhorrence as invaders; and humiliating indeed must it have been to their feelings, to perceive that the title on which they could expect intercourse with these strangers-an intercourse that was requisite for the preservation of their lands-was the adoption of their manners and language, whereby they appeared in the character of ungraceful imitators and inferiors. They could be no strangers too, to the feelings of contempt on the part of the British, who considered them as little else than barbarians, whom, if they could not reclaim, they might lawfully extirpate.

To these sources of irritation was superadded religion. The natives were Catholics of the fiercest description, both because they were ignorant, and because their religion was associated with all the other embittered feelings ever kept alive by the cunning instigations of their priests. Those, educated in Italy and Spain, returned to their native country, with all the impressions, not only of their brethren abroad and the Pope, to encourage their flocks to assert the independence of their country, by which the clergy would recover their livings, the Pope his supremacy; but even of foreign potentates, who used them to stir up dissention and embroil British affairs. The innovations of Laud, and the interest they excited, added fuel to the flame, by the anticipated prospect of a return into the Catholic church, while, by disgusting the protestants, as approximating to the Romish tenets, they kindled in them a fresh flame against the religion of the natives, and thus widened the breach.

Under such circumstances, the only chance of gradually reconciling the natives to the government,

must have been founded in a conviction of the impracticability of shaking off the British yoke; for, so long as they conceived the possibility of recovering their independence and territory, it could scarcely be expected that they would not contemplate it. It had therefore been judicious policy in Elizabeth, not only never to employ them as soldiers, but, though some of her servants acted against the principle, to deny them liberty to en

list into the service of foreign states. James, however, conceiving that their entering into foreign service was a mean of ridding the country of part of the superfluous population, had, unfortunately, departed from that precaution *; and as regiments under their own leaders went into the Spanish service, they were prepared to return to their native country with all the advantages of military discipline, whenever it suited the interest of the house of Austria to disturb the British government. But Charles went infinitely farther. Not only did he allow such levies; but, even in despite of Strafforde's remonstrances, had granted a commission to the Earl of Antrim to raise an army of native Irish, from amongst those who had ever been prone to rebellion, to be employed against Scotland; and the new army which Strafforde himself had levied for that service-amounting to 8000 foot and 1000 horse-were all papists; a circumstance which in effect transferred the sword to that body, while the severe restrictions upon saltpetre and gunpowder disarmed the protestants t.

* Carte's Life of Ormonde, vol. i. p. 46.

+ Carte tells us, that in order that the newly raised Catholic army might be under a complete controul, a thousand of the old army, amongst whom there was not a single papist, were incorporated with them that the privates of the old army were appointed non-commissioned officers; that there was not one popish officer in the army; and that, instead of 8000, there were only 7000 newly raised foot. Unfortunately, however, for this statement, it does not appear to be vouched by a single authority-not even that of the manuscript, on which great part of his narrative rests; and it is contradicted by all other autho

The Irish officers on foreign service had long entertained a correspondence with leading natives at home, about expelling the English, and had received encouragement to attempt it from both France and Spain. The last Earl of Tyrone, who held the rank of colonel in the Spanish service, and who naturally desired the recovery of his great possessions, was the chief in all these schemes; but his death gave affairs a new direction. Sir Phelim O'Neil, the head of the sect, was then regarded as the representative of the Tyrone family, and

rities; while the statement never was even insinuated, so far as I can learn, by the king and the royalist party, though it was so material to them. That men were drawn from the old army to train the new, in the first instance is extremely probable; but all authorities agree, that 8000 foot and 1000 horse were newly raised. Carte likewise alleges, that none of the officers joined the rebellion; but this also appeared to be unfounded. The utmost that Borlace ventures to say is, "Certain it is, that most of these soldiers thus raised, betook themselves to the rebels' party; although very few of their officers, (if we may credit a late historian,) were polluted with the crime." Borlace, p. 9. The Protestants' Answer to the Rebels' Remonstrance, in Rush. vol. iv. p. (391.) Yet Mr. Hume, without quoting any authority, for he was probably ashamed to quote Carte, whom he abuses, though he borrows from him plentifully, makes the same statement.

With regard to Charles's anxiety to raise a popish army from the wildest portion of the natives, where rebellion had been the most common. See Straf. Let. and Disp. vol. ii. p. 296-7. Strafforde says in one letter, that Antrim told him " he had upon receipt of his majesty's letter sent to the O'Haras, the O'Lurgans, (if I mistake not the name,) the MacGennises, the M'Guyres, the M'Mahons, the M'Donnels, (as many Oe's and Macs as would startle a whole council-board on this side to hear of,) and all his other friends, requiring them, in his ma jesty's 's name, to meet him with their forces, so as this business is now become no secret, but the common discourse both of his lordship and the whole kingdom," p. 300, Let. to Secretary Windbanke, 20th March, 1638-9. See Antrim's Propositions, p. 305. See p. 319, 22, et seq.

his slender abilities, though cultivated by an education in the Inns of court, did not promise great success in his undertakings; but possibly his presumptuous rashness, which did not weigh consequences, proved in the sequel no less important, perhaps more so, than higher qualities*. Still this disposition to revolt, with the incitements of a cunning priesthood, and of foreign states, might either not have burst into action, or would have been easily repressed, had it not been for the critical posture of affairs at home.

The government of Strafforde had roused general discontent equally in protestants and catholics. He offended great men by his haughtiness and illegal measures to reduce their power; while his policy was no less revolting to the low ranks, whose habits he despised, and happiness he disregarded, provided they either opposed his own selfish views or his notions of improvement; and his designs necessarily fell with most afflicting distress upon the natives, whose barbarity rendered them incapable of adopting his plans. The ecclesiastical government introduced by him at the instance of Laud, disgusted the protestants by its approach to catholicism, and thus augmented their dislike to their popish neighbours, without gaining the Romish party-whose clergy perceived themselves still hopelessly excluded from all participation in church livings. The flame raised about religion in Scot

Temple, p. 32, 76, 116, 121. Nalson, vol. ii. p. 543. Lord M'Guire's relation. Carte's Ormond, vol. i. p. 158.