allowed, there would at once be an end to all free discussion in parliament *.

Army-plot. But measures of a very different description were secretly concerting at court, to save the life of this devoted individual, and rescue the prerogative from its present danger. The field officers and commanders of the English army happened to be at this time in the metropolis, where some attended as members of parliament, and the army was left under the care and direction of Sir Jacob Ashford. These officers, offended at the preference which they imagined was given to the Scottish army, in remittances of money, and anxious to obtain the royal favour, supposed that the English army might, in discontent, be converted into an instrument against the parliament; and, part of them being great courtiers, they soon began to concert matters with his majesty and the queen, about the use of military force both in rescuing Strafforde, and controlling both houses of parliament. The army itself began to be infected with a very ill spirit, and some desperate designs were agitated. But, fortunately, these men could not agree upon the mode of acting in the face of the Scottish army, and Lord Goring, who had himself expected the chief command, having been disappointed in that, gave information to Pym, whose vigilance traced it through various ramifications, and prevented its execution. The plot, however, still went on, even after the death of Strafforde;

• Whitelocke, p. 40, 44. Cob. Parl. Hist. vol. ii. p. 715, 754, et seq. Clar. vol. i. p. 255, et seq.

and, therefore, we shall have an opportunity of recurring to it afterwards. On the 28th of April, Mr. Hyde was sent up to the Lords with a message, that the commons apprehended a design for the escape of Strafforde, and they petitioned the king for the removal of papists, and the disbanding of the Irish army. But on the third of May, the plot was disclosed, and a protestation for the maintenance of the protestant religion, the king's person, and the power of parliament, was drawn by the commons, and transmitted to the Lords, for their common subscription. It was on that very day that a mob of about six thousand citizens came from the city, and surrounding the parliament, cried out for justice upon Strafförde and other incendiaries, and to be secured from plots against the parliament, and for the earl's rescue. They also alleged a decay of trade, and consequent want of bread. This mob also, posted up at Westminster, the names of the minority in the lower house who had voted against the bill, and whom they stigmatized under the name of Straffordians, and betrayers of their country. The mob was very rude to some Lords, but dispersed without doing further mischief. The minority complained of breach of privilege in being thus posted up; but against a mob no redress could be obtained *.

The original letters published by Lord Hailes throw great light upon this point. See p. 117, 120, 124, 127, 134. Whitelocke, p. 45. Rush. vol. iv. p. 248, et seq. Vol. viii. p. 741. The chief cause of this tumult was the report of desperate designs and plots against the parliament: For, though it was the third of May before the disco very

The plot for bringing up the English army, was connected with a design of procuring assistance from France, drawing into the field the Irish army, which parliament had often in vain

was so complete as to warrant a formal disclosure, hints of the danger had been privately given ten or twelve days before, and had reached the city. Lord Clarendon's account of the army-plot is exceedingly disingenuous, and even inconsistent in itself. He, in the first place, charges Pym and the others with having brought out the particulars in such degrees as suited their purpose, and not having disclosed it till three months after the discovery. In the second place, he alleges that all that was ever done was drawing out a petition to the king and both houses for the subscription of the army, in which, after enumerating the good things which had been done, it is stated, that "there were certain stirring and pragmatical wits who would be satisfied with nothing short of the subversion of the whole frame of government, and that these were backed by the multitude, who flocked down to Whitehall, not only to the prejudice of that freedom which is necessary to great councils and judicatories, but possibly to some personal danger of your sacred majesty and the peers. The vast consequence of these persons' malignity," the petition continues, "and of the licentiousness of those multitudes that follow them, considered in most deep care and zealous affection for the safety of your sacred majesty and the parliament; our humble petition is, that, in your wisdom, you would be pleased to remove such dangers, by punishing the ringleaders of these tumults, that your majesty and the parliament may be secured from such insolencies hereafter. For the suppressing of which, in all humility, we offer ourselves to wait upon you, if you please, hoping we shall appear as considerable in the way of defence to our gracious sovereign, the parliament, our religion, and the established laws of the kingdom, as what number shall audaciously presume to violate them so shall we, by the wisdom of your majesty and the parliament, not only be vindicated from precedent innovations, but be secured from the future that are threatened, and likely to produce more dangerous effects than the former." This petition, according to the noble historian, being shewn to his majesty, he approved of it, “and was content that it might be subscribed by the officers of the army, if they desired it." The officer who presented it, remarked that “ very few of the army had yet seen it; and that it would be a great countenance to it, if, when it was carried to the principal officers to sign it,

applied for the reduction of, his majesty declining to gratify them, " for divers reasons best known to himself," nay, one object of the plot was to prevent it; and even raising troops in London, under the

any evidence might be given them that it had passed his majesty's approbation; otherwise they might possibly make scruple, for fear of offending him." Hereupon his majesty took a pen, and writ at the bottom of the petition C. R. as a token that he had perused and allowed it and so the petition was carried down into the country where the army lay, and was signed by some officers; but was suddenly quashed, and no more heard of, till the discovery of the pretended plot:" vol ii. p. 205-7. The historian had told us, by way of introducing the petition, that such of the officers of the army as were members of parliament being displeased at the preference shewn to the Scottish army, particularly on account of the grant of money, whereby their own influence in the army was lessened, regretted the disloyal part they had acted, and " therefore, to redeem what had been done amiss, and to ingratiate themselves in his majesty's favour, they bethought themselves how to dispose, or at least to pretend that they would dispose, the army, to some such expressions of duty and loyalty towards the king, as might take away all hope from other men, that it might be applied to his disservice: And to that purpose, they had conference and communication with some servants of a more immediate trust and relation to both their majesties, through whom they might convey their intentions and devotions to the king, and again receive his royal pleasure and direction how they should demean themselves;" p. 244. Now, after telling us, as above, that the petition was quashed, he proceeds thus: "The meetings continuing between those officers of the army and some servants of his majesty's to the ends aforesaid, others of the army, who had expressed very brisk resolutions towards the service, and were of eminent command and authority with the soldiers, were, by special direction, introduced into those councils, (all persons obliging themselves by an oath of secresy, not to communicate any thing that should pass amongst them,) for the better executing what should be agreed." He proceeds to tell us, that, at the first meeting, one of the persons so introduced proposed to bring "up the army presently to London, which would so awe the parliament, that they would do any thing the king commanded;"—that all the rest abhorred the proposal, and that he, either fearing a discovery, or resenting the rejection of his advice, went next day and disclosed

pretext of intending them for the service of Portugal. There was a design too, to introduce into the tower, under the pretence of guarding it, a hundred men, commanded by a Captain Billingsley, who had

the whole to the Earl of Bedford, Lord Say, and Lord Kimbottom; and yet afterwards proposed to the court-party, with a crew of good fellows, to rescue Strafforde, &c. He then says that, " as dangerous as the design was afterwards alleged to be, it was not published in three months after to the houses, against whom the design was intended," &c. and only brought out to accomplish the ruin of Strafforde. Even Clarendon's own account of the matter shews that it was sufficiently appalling; for the proposal in the petition to wait upon you, "could," as Mr. Laing well remarks, " mean nothing else than to inarch directly to London," while the subsequent meetings and oath of secresy which that learned gentleman did not advert to, evince a most extraordinary spirit; but Mr. Laing, though he has some sound remarks upon the subject, has not considered the matter with his usual attention; and therefore we shall expose the statement of Clarendon, which Mr. L. has followed equally with Mr. Hume, neither of whom seems to have studied the evidence. In the first place, with regard to the concealment of the plot for three months, so contradictory is his statement, (the clearest proof of his misrepresentation) that he himself tells us, that "the discovery of the plot concerning the army was made about the middle of April," p. 250; and that, in consequence of Mr. Pym's disclosure, the protestation was prepared on the third of May! p. 251-4. The plot itself, as appears by the evidence, was agitated during March and April and downwards, but not earlier; and indeed this is evident from his lordship's own statement, since the communication to the Earl of Bedford, &c. was made the day after the first meeting subsequent to dropping the petition, and that was the middle of April! It is clear, therefore, that not a day could be lost in making the disclosure, even by his own account. In the second place, the petition, which Clarendon presents as genuine, carries on its face the most unequivocal marks of fabrication-marks which it is wonderful should have escaped Mr. Laing. 1st, It alludes to the free course of justice against all delinquents, of what quality soever, which, if it mean any thing, must include the case of Strafforde, whose trial could scarcely have yet begun; 2dly, it alludes to "the removal of all those grievances wherewith the subjects did conceive their liberty of persons, property, or estates, or freedom of con