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came forward, in a bold and manly tone, and demanded for the Catholics what they were too timid to ask for themselves.* Their petition was founded on a resolution adopted at a public meeting, held in the Town House, and prayed for "a repeal of all penal and restrictive statutes at present in existence against the Roman Catholics of Ireland, and that they may thus be restored to the rank and consequence of citizens.” This petition was signed by six hundred Protestants. The former petitions were received, the latter was rejected. A bill, opening the legal profession and some minor places of trust to the Catholics, was passed this session, and thus fresh vigour was given to the advocates of freedom. The ardour of the United Irishmen in prosecuting the Catholic claims, and the boldness with which they demanded full and unqualified freedom for all, gave an impetus to the Catholic Committee, which was speedily manifested in their altered tone. The United Irishmen encouraged them by precept and example, and strong in the new alliance, the wavering became firm, and the timid resolute.

The debate on the motion for the rejection of the Belfast petition produced the most intense excitement. Some of the leading Whigs supported the government party: Grattan spoke for the people, as he always did, with honest zeal and matchless power. It was on this occasion he pronounced that famous passage, in reference to the progress of opinion, in reply to the ministerial yell of perpetual bondage for the Catholic:-"What, never be free! 'Tis a sentence which requires the power of a God and the malignity of a demon. You are not competent to pronounce it ;-believe me, you may as well plant your foot on the earth, and hope by that resistance to stop the diurnal revolution which advances you to that morning sun, which is to shine alike on the Protestant and the Catholic, as you can hope to arrest the progress of that other light-reason and justice-which approaches to liberate the Catholic and liberalize the Protestant."

The biographer of Grattan attributes too much of the subsequent success of the Catholics to the tact and discretion of the opposition, of which his father was so prominent a member. He, however, does ample justice to the Catholic Committee and its leading members; and with much truth attributes the concession of the elective franchise to the vigorous measures of the great Catholic Convention. But what produced that convention ?

* The letter of Mr. Edward Byrne, chairman of the Catholic Committee, written to return thanks to the Rev. S. Kelburn, the chairman of the Belfast meeting, at which the petition for total emancipation was adopted, contains the following passage:"We trust that you will not charge us with any degeneracy of spirit, if willing to gratify the prejudices which are still to be found among many of our countrymen, we solicit admission into the constitution on such terms as shall offer as little violence as possible to the feelings of men, who think that every link taken from the chain of oppression, is likely to produce anarchy instead of order, public tumult instead of public security. The object of our present application is therefore a partial admission only to the rights of free subjects."-Dated 4th February, 1792. The Committee was acting under the advice of the Ponsonby party at this time.

Mr. Grattan tells us it was the advice of the opposition; and among the names of those who recommended it, he gives that of Ponsonby, who but a few weeks before assisted in kicking the Belfast petition out of doors! No, no; the convention was not the offshoot of the Whig party. The exertions of the United Irishmen called forth the sympathy of the Protestants; and the determination evinced by them in favour of the Catholics, caused resolution and firmness to take the place of timidity and fear. Supported by the "brethren" of the North, the Catholics felt that a new strength was given them, and they determined thenceforth to be men and to be free. They immediately resolved upon a general representative convention, to adopt measures for their future guidance. That convention never would have been attempted, had not the "United Irishmen," as Latouche called the men who signed the Belfast petition, by their advocacy awakened a spirit that "liberalised" the Protestants, and was the surest guarantee of liberty to the Catholic. The Whig party, at least, did nothing in 1791; though they patronized the convention in 1792, they never called it into being: and the records of that great body shew that they shaped their course so as to be in unison with their "Belfast friends," rather than with the parliamentary opposition. A petition to the Sovereign was determined on, but the draft that was prepared not having specified free admission to all the privileges of the constitution, a northern delegate objected to it as being limited in its demands; and added, that his constituents directed him to require "total emancipation."*

Several members of the convention spoke on the motion of Mr. O'Brien of Cork, in accordance with the views of Teeling, the northern delegate, and John Keogh of Dublin,† who, though in some respects a timid man, shewed on this occasion not only courage and determination, but much statesmanlike tact. At the conclusion of a long address, in which he attributed their meeting to the United Irishmen of the north,‡ and asked more than once, "will you desert the north?" he added, "have you considered the magnitude of your demand, and the power of your enemies; and are you prepared to support your claims?" The memoir of the proceedings of the convention, drawn up by their secretary, says, "the whole assembly arose as one man, and raising their right hands, answered, WE ARE." Keogh applauded their spirit,-advised that a resolution of such mag

The United Irishmen of the north sent several communications to the Committee, urging them to go for total repeal of the penal code, and to be satisfied with nothing short of it, and promising them the support of Ulster. In one letter from Belfast, the writer says, we will send "a literal copy of the petition" that was "kicked out last session"-the petition thrown out by Latouche, Ponsonby, &c.

† John Keogh was not an United Irishman; his testimony therefore is the more valuable.

"Let the love of liberty be your principle, the law your guide, and unanimity your support." "We have pledged ourselves to support your claims of restoration to your natural rights, and we will be faithful to our word."-United Irishmen of Belfast to the Catholics, 1792.

nitude should not be adopted in apparent haste, and recommended an adjournment to the next day, lest their enemies should say they determined without consideration. Next day they met, adopted the petition, and appointed some members of their body as delegates to present it to his Majesty. The delegates for some cause proceeded first to Belfast, and there they met with a reception novel as it was encouraging, and one that shews the way the doctrine of mutual friendship, so sedulously promulgated by the United Irishmen, had already made. The Catholic delegates had their horses taken from their carriage, and were drawn in triumph by the Protestant and Presbyterian people of Belfast.* Such harmony did the genius of the United Irish Union produce between a people trained to mutual hate!

The delegates proceeded to their destination, and after a great deal of unnecessary delay, were presented to his Majesty; but not till after they had by letter to the Secretary of State declared that they came to demand full and unconditional emancipation. The English minister was made aware of the revolution of opinion that had taken place in Ireland on the Catholic question. He saw the firm front of the delegatesByrne,‡ Keogh, Devereux, Bellew, and French-read the petition, which specified nothing, for it included every thing. The cheer from the north told him the cause of all this firmness; and the next session of the Irish Parliament, opened by a speech from His Majesty in favour of the Catholic claims! This was the first homage offered at the shrine

of the United Irishmen.

(To be continued.)

* This circumstance is thus detailed in the History of Belfast: -" December 12.At 9 o'clock this morning the delegates from the Catholics of Ireland, who were elected to present their petition to the king, arrived at the Donegal arms, on their way by Portpatrick to London. Immediately on their arrival being known, a number of respectable inhabitants waited on and breakfasted with them. They remained here about two hours, and on their departure the populace, who had assembled in the interim, took the horses from the coach, and having fastened ropes to it, dragged them throughout the town, quite over the long bridge on the road leading to Donaghadee, and then permitted the horses to be put, amidst the loudest huzzas of success attend you,'' union,'† 'equal laws,' 'and down with the ascendancy!' The delegates politely returned thanks for this strong mark of affection, and declared their determination to maintain that union which formed the strength of Ireland; and proceeded on their way, accompanied by three cheers."

†This did not mean the union with England.

The writer of the letter to the Rev. S. Kelburn, and advocating partial admission, dated eleven months previously. Tone acted as secretary to this delegation.

LETTERS FROM LONDON.

NO. I.

London, July 12th, 1842.

MY DEAR

Here I am at my old quarters, stewing away in the middle of the dog days. Oh! if you but felt the heat here-it is enough to melt the flesh, if not the heart of the most obdurate Poor Law Commissioner, much less a tender soul like myself. London has been very full-not so crowded as during the first two years after the Queen's accession-but quite enough so to make comfort difficult, chambers dear, and the theatres (excepting the two Opera Houses) well attended.

Any large places are always agreeable to those who seek only amusement. The life of pleasure is much the same in every capital. Here it is more wearing, because it is of a coarser kind. The industry which an Englishman exhibits in commercial matters, he also displays in following trifles. Your London man of ton is assiduous in the gratification of his appetites, and energetic in the service of his passions. This year, however, society has got on slowly. Without having become downright stupid, people have been far less sprightly this season. A bachelor, “curis vacuus,” does not mind these alternations in the fashionable world, but mammas and chaperons are quite out of spirits. Irish baronets and Scotch lords are looking up in Almack's market.

This want of life in the gay world is attributable to many causes. The court has not been well pleased, as you may suppose, with recent changes. The balls have been few and far between at the Palace. Under any regime the court would not probably be what is called very gay, but when a Whig sovereign has a Tory ministry, or vice versa, dullness flaps its wings over the haunts of royalty. The state of the Queen Dowager's health, has almost shut up Marlborough House for the season. Her Majesty, Queen Adelaide, was rather fond of company, but unfortunately her health precludes her from entertainments. While the Whigs were in office, the leading Tories entertained frequently. The Premier had a large party every fortnight regularly, and Lady Peel an assembly afterwards. Now, however, Sir Robert Peel grasps at half-anhour of repose, as eagerly as Mr. Emerson Tennant snapped at the "præmium virtutis," bestowed on him by the present ministry. "The Duke" also has been occupied too much since the return of his party to power, to open Apsley House as he was wont to do. The Duke of Devonshire has been away-Lord Lansdowne has been an invalid— hence, two of the great houses have been shut against the public. Besides, the breaks down in more than one noble family have made the fashionable current flow more languidly than it generally does.

You have heard what a bad affair the opera has been. By the

way,

did you ever read "Ebers's Seven Years of the King's Theatre?" There is a good deal of musical anecdotage in it, which may amuse you. It is now an old book-I think of 1827. It was published by William Harrison Ainsworth (!) author of Jack Sheppard, and founder of the gallows school of fiction. Ainsworth married Ebers's daughter, and Ebers now carries on the business. The first manager of that theatre was an Irishman; and subsequently Mr. Francis Goold (uncle, if I mistake not, to Sir George Goold of the county Cork) lost his fortune and his life in the involved affairs of the house. This year there have been contretems without number. Madame Grisi has-but no matter; Mario is now—but what of that; and as for Persiani, she will-but come, no forboding-she warbles for us yet; carpe diem. I have just got tickets for to-night.

As for the poor German opera, various and vain were the attempts to make it fashionable; all to no purpose, nor is there any likelihood of its becoming a successful speculation for many years to come.

Nobody knows whether Macready lost or won by last season, but his going on again does not look badly. I can't conceive why he secured Vestris. To be sure she is still immensely popular, but really people have had enough of her now. Her voice is lamentably broken; her fascinating charms, like her jewels, are gone; the miserable wreck of what she was, she still courts favour and admiration. Alas! the ode of Horace. "Parcius junctas quatiunt fenestras," is sadly applicable to Madame ! She is game to the last, however. Talk of a good man struggling with adversity,—what is he to a passée beauty battling with old age?

The little Strand theatre has done capitally this year. A small theatre in Dublin, it strikes me, ought to be well supported. Light pieces, in the French style, such as Vestris used to have at the Olympic, could hardly fail in being attractive. The entertainments at Abbey-street are always in the lowest style of the illegitimate drama, but a Dublin Olympic theatre is a great want. The Drama ought to be kept up in Dublin; it is useless to invoke the saints to support it; they never fill the dress circle any where, except when a pair of controversial pugilists are to set to, and blacken each other's creed, after the fashion in which Johnny Broome licked Bungaree, the Australian hero, t'other day. One great advantage of a taste for the drama in Dublin, would be the creation of a common intellectual object for the belligerent parties. Society in Ireland wants lamentably to be bridged over. A new spirit of social intercourse, in the generous feeling of good neighbourhood, would have potent effect over many noisome prejudices. But surely something might be done for an Olympic theatre in Dublin. Do you remember John Wilson Croker's lines?

"But can we not ourselves produce
These novelties for Irish use,
That we to foreign lands must roam
For goods we used to make at home?
Where is the soul of drama fled?
Is genius paralyzed or dead?

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