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"Thus the country was divided into various parties :-the Whig club in Dublin, and the Whigs of the North; the Catholic Convention and Committee; the Protestant Convention at Dungannon; the United Irishmen in Belfast and in Dublin; and the associations of the "Friends of the Constitution." All these various bodies shook the island from centre to circumference, and showed that some general measures of relief were indispensable."

The feeling of the necessity for reform was almost universal, and each of the numerous clubs then in existence prepared and adopted plans in accordance with their peculiar views, all of which were, however, alike destined to be defeated by the artifice of a bold minister and the yielding of a weak opposition, who, at his bidding, handed over as well the people as the constitution, the one to vengeance-the other to violation. We subjoin the plan of parliamentary reform proposed by the United Irishmen :

"That the nation, for the purpose of representation solely, should be divided into 300 electorates, formed by a combination of parishes, and as nearly as possible equal in point of population.

"That each electorate should, for the convenience of carrying on the elections at the same time, be subdivided into a sufficient number of parts.

"That the electors of the electorate should vote, each in the subdivision in which he is registered, and has resided, as hereinafter specified.

"That every man possessing the right of suffrage for a representative in parliament, should exercise it in his own person only.

"That no person should have a right to vote in more than one electorate at the same election.

"That every male of sound mind, who has attained the full age of twenty-one years, and actually dwelt or maintained a family establishment in any electorate for six months of the twelve immediately previously to the commencement of the election, (provided his residence, or maintaining a family establishment, be duly registered,) should be entitled to vote for the representation of the electorate.

"That all elections in the nation should commence and close on the same day. "That the votes of all electors should be given by voice, and not by ballot. "That residence within the electorate should not, but that residence within the kingdom should, be a necessary qualification for a representative.

"That no property qualification should be necessary to entitle any man to be a representative.

"That any person having a pension, or holding a place in the executive or judicial departments, should be thereby disqualified from being a representative.

"That representatives should receive a reasonable stipend for their services. "That every representative should, on taking his seat, swear that neither he, nor any person to promote his interest, with his privity, gave, or was to give any bribe for the suffrage of any voter.

"That any representative convicted by a jury, of having acted contrary to the substance of the above oath, should be for ever disqualified from sitting or voting in parliament.

"That parliaments should be annual.

"That a representative should be at liberty to resign his delegation upon giving sufficient notice to his constituents.

"That absence from duty for

should vacate the seat of representative." This was the "revolution" the United Irishmen sought to produce —this the republic* they sought to establish; a revolution which they "In the words of him [Junius] whose name rests unknown, but whose fame is

failed to effect, because of the suppression of the constitution and the establishment of a military tyranny, by the concurrent votes of Whigs and Tories; but one to which now, after half a century has elapsed, while they rest in yet unhonoured graves, some of the best men in Ireland and in England are seeking to accomplish. We cannot omit giving another passage expressive of the social ends they had in view in seeking to accomplish these reforms. Having, in one of their addresses, repudiated the imputation of seeking to level ranks, and equalize property, they add:

"Yes, countrymen, we do wish for an equality of rights, which is constitutional; not an equality of property, which is impossible. Yes, countrymen, we do long for another equality, and we hope yet to see it realized—an equality consisting in the power of every father of a family to acquire by labour either of mind or body, something beyond a mere subsistence, some little capital, to prove, in case of sickness, old age, or misfortune, a safeguard for his body and for his soul; a hallowed hoard that may lift him above the hard necessity which struggles between conscience and corruption; that may keep his heart whole and his spirit erect, while his body bends beneath its burden; make him fling away the wages of venality, and proudly return to an humble home, where a constitution that looks alike on the palace and the hovel, may stand at his hearth a tutelar divinity, and spread the ægis of equal law to guard him from the revenge of those who offered the bribe, and offered it in vain."

This was the reform aimed at by the United Irishmen-this the social change they sought to produce-a reform to make all men recipients of the benefits of the constitution—a social change, the result of that gradual improvement which necessarily accompanies good government-a change from serfhood to independence; not the consequence of any sudden or violent derangement of the existing distribution of property, but the result of the encouragement of native industry, and the extension of such legislative protection to the working man, as would secure to him the fruits of his honest toil, while it would alike guard the rich and poor from the encroachment of others. Having such objects in view, having publicly proclaimed their determination to restrain the aristocracy from devouring all that the poor man produced, and procuring for the latter the means of providing an amount of social independence, that would at once place him beyond the reach of penury, and abate the temptations to which dependence for food and shelter on a corrupt and tyrant aristocracy would expose him—we are not to feel surprised at the opposition against which they had to contend.

The masses of the people, deprived by an alien influence of all participation in the government, were treated as conquered slaves, when they undertook their cause. The legislature, consisting chiefly of the purchased and pensioned tools of the executive-many of them aliens by birth, by education, and by all save an ex officio residence,—was uncontrolled by the people, irresponsible save to those who claimed the right of purchase.

immortal, we desire that the constitution may preserve its monarchical form, but we would have the manners of the people purely and strictly republican."—United Irish1793.

men,

This they sought to reform. From the legislature then they could expect no countenance. By the aristocracy, who one by one sold themselves to the crown, the advocates of a reform that would annul the sale and sequestrate the purchase money, were looked upon as their most deadly foes, and at their hands the United Irishmen met the most unmitigated hostility. But the good and patriotic of every age will recognise in these men, and in their principles of action, a devoted attachment to the liberty of their native land, that entitles them to a lasting place in the affections of that people for whose freedom so many of them ultimately sacrificed their lives.

We have now shewn that the United Irishmen were not mere visionary theorists that practical and permanent benefits were conferred by their association on the people of this country, that to them we owe the relief bill of 1793, which ultimately enabled us to carry the relief bill of 1829. Had they effected but this one good, what too great tribute could we pay to their memories,-what unmerited honours could we heap upon their tombs? In an early number we propose to devote some space to a consideration of the means successfully resorted to by the foreign minister to frustrate the reform which now seemed inevitable; and to an exposure of the plans he adopted to "create" and subsequently "explode" the so called insurrection of 1798.

TALES OF MERCANTILE LIFE:-No II.

THE BANKRUPT.

Poor Hargrave! He was a modest unassuming man; so kind, so good, and withal so attentive to his business, that every one wondered who knew him and heard of his misfortunes. George Hargrave had become a bankrupt! Nor was this the worst feature in the affair, for an honourable man may, by unforeseen circumstances,-by a fall in the markets-by the failures of others, or an adverse current in the business where his capital is embarked, become a bankrupt without blame or reproach being attached to his character; but George Hargrave's case was viewed by most as an instance of mercantile dishonesty. On the fourth of the month he had heavy payments to make. Times were bad, money scarce, and it was wonderful to see the quantity of sour looks, blank vinegar looks, that nestled themselves upon the faces of most of the frequenters of the London Exchange. The fourth of the month was received as a day of trial; some would stand, some would fall, and the day was regarded as the crisis of many.

Mr. Hargrave, as I have said, had large payments to meet upon the fourth, yet he had been industrious, indefatigable, and on the evening of the third went home with a light heart. The friends who parted with him on 'Change had seldom seen him gayer or in better spirits. no wonder, for the payments of the morrow were a crisis in his life. He

It was

had been for some years in business. A plodding, quiet, attentive man, he wrought for his master while he had one, as if every penny made went into his own pocket; and when the time came, by the death of an uncle of his wife, who left her a few thousands, that he was enabled to begin business for himself, he did so with perhaps the best capital that a man can possess, an unimpeachable character and the good wishes of all who knew him.

In the merchant's life, as in those of lawyers, doctors, or soldiers, there is a crisis; not an exhibition in Westminster Hall, that immediately establishes a reputation; not a successful cure, which opens to the young practitioner an honourable path to reward and fortune; not the gallantry displayed at storming a redoubt or leading a forlorn hope, to be crowned by advanced rank and a Bath cross; not any of these, but a successful speculation-and George Hargrave had made a successful speculation. He purchased oils when they were a drug in the market; but unforeseen circumstances occurred. Seed rose to an enormous pricewhalers left British ports, with jovial crews doomed never to return— cod fish were never scarcer seals seen, but seldom caught; and the holders of oil held on, for every day was turning the pence embarked in their purchases into pounds. Hargrave, like others, was fortunate. On the morning of the third he had sold out the last of his stock, and in the evening was leaving 'Change, with the cash in his pockets-Bank of England paper and gold. He had netted three thousand pounds upon the transaction in oils, which would enable him to pay his bills, amounting to double the sum, with ease, upon the ensuing day.

He had left the 'Change in apparently good spirits-a circumstance which some of his friends not long after took care to remember to his disadvantage-and walked home, in heart and soul content. Mrs. Hargrave was a modest, retiring woman, fond of her husband, and as fond as mother could be of her only child. A daughter had alone survived of six children that had blessed their union. They came like the young fresh buds of the rose, smiled in the beauty of their short-lived summer, and had faded away before they knew aught of the evils of life. The affections of both parents were consequently centered in their only surviving child, and Fanny became a pet. Yet she was not spoiled, for George Hargrave was a sensible man, and his wife never marred his good intentions or his wise resolves. She rather strove to cultivate and practise whatever she admired in his character, and never had been guilty of a foolish opposition to his will.

When Hargrave reached home, he deposited the money he had received on 'Change in an old fashioned bureau which stood in his own bed-chamber. He bought the piece of furniture at an auction, where like other young beginners in the science of housekeeping he had gone to get bargains. The bureau had been used as his safe, when the sums deposited in it were very small; but latterly his money had been regularly lodged in the bank where he did business, a precaution which the

time of his obtaining the cash he had carried home, prevented him from taking. His traveller had written to him, stating he would reach London that evening, and he also had with him a very large sum of money. He knew the necessity for the money to meet the payments of the morrow, and had wrought with the greatest zeal to collect accounts; for Hargrave had always proved himself a friend to Miles Carley, had invited him to his house, and more than once given him solid proofs of interest in his welfare. Yet few liked Miles Carley. The young men in the city called him a wet blanket. Mrs. Hargrave suspected that he was a hypocrite, although she could never prove her suspicions; and Fanny had an aversion for him founded on feelings that she was not able to analyse, on a something pervading the man's whole demeanour and conduct, that insensibly produced in her a repugnance to his society, for which she could not account; and he had heightened this feeling against himself, by exhibiting in his behaviour towards her more admiration than she liked, or perhaps than their relative positions rendered agreeable. Still, notwithstanding these prepossessions against him, both the mother and daughter treated him kindly; for let him be what he would, his master's interests were his prime movers, and Hargrave valued him accordingly.

When the latter reached home, Carley had not arrived, but before dinner was over they heard the sound of his horse's feet, and the traveller shortly entered the parlour.

"Sit down, Miles; you will be hungry after your drive, and cold too; for I didn't feel a colder day on 'Change these six months," said Hargrave (the month was December), while Fanny drew a chair to the fire as her father spoke.

"Take that seat, Mr. Carley," said Mrs. Hargrave. "You see that Fanny intends that you sha'n't be cold. It is freezing, I think."

"Keenly, ma'm," replied Carley, rubbing his hands before the warm glowing fire, and glancing at Fanny, "I called upon —"

"Wait until you take a slice off this mutton, Miles," said Hargrave, interrupting him. "Over or underdone ?"

"Rather under, Sir, thank you," and Carley drew his chair to the table.

"Fanny will help you to some butter, and in the meantime we'll drink a glass of wine. Which do you take, white or red ?"

"I will try the sherry, sir, if you please." The decanter was beside Fanny, and Miles was on the opposite side of the table. Somehow he liked to take things from her hands.

"The white wine. Fanny, pass that bottle to Mr. Carley. Miles, your health, and I'm glad to see you safe back again. You have been a good while away."

"Nearly two months, sir."

"Another slice of mutton ?"

"Thank you, sir. Not any more at present."

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