to which I must refer such of my readers as desire a more minute account of the state of Ireland shortly before the accession of Queen Mary than can be expected from me in the brief limits of a preface. I cannot, however, forbear calling attention to one or two facts, upon which the writer is at no pains to conceal his opinion. First, in regard to the oft-disputed question, whether rebellion is so cognate to Irishmen that good order and government are impracticable there, he tells us that there wanted not some, even in those days, who held "that it were good with "the sword to destroy all the inhabitants of that realm "for their wickedness, and to inhabit the land with new." The task seemed so hopeless and so wearisome, always beginning and never ending, that even Englishmen, who would have shrunk with abhorrence from confounding the

"impotent person, and in the remote parts of this realm, and, thinking "that my petition should be of some moment with your Honours, desired "me thereunto." He then adds that, after the departure of Sir Anthony Sentleger, the hostages taken from the Irish nobility, and remaining in Dublin, had been dismissed, but the King's people in the north had scarcely been so well treated. He desires, therefore, that indifferent persons might be appointed to determine these matters; "wishing that "it mought please his Majesty in the meantime to appoint a Chancellor, born within the realm of England, to supply the room here, for, albeit "I am Irish, I take mine own countrymen to be neither of like estimation or indifferency to rule here, as I see in Englishmen." He concludes by desiring his freedom, that he may return to his country, and be serviceable in his old age to the King; "and that the lady my wife may have licence to go see his Majesty, and confer with your Honours of weighty matters." During the last twelvemonth he had been prevented from sending horses and hawks to the King; "and, my Lords, this last summer "the nest of hawks I had for the King's Majesty, which contained three

goshawks and a tarssell, whereof one of the best came to the Chancellor's hand, whereby it may be known who was stealer of them.

"And besides, four years past, having three hawks to send to his "Excellency, I was persuaded by the now Chancellor, in respect of the

King's lack of years, not to send them; by which shift one of the best "of them was given to him, and the rest to others."

innocent with the guilty on their own soil, had, in their desire for peace and order, reconciled themselves to the notion that almost any atrocity was justifiable to secure this desirable end. It was easier to cut the Gordian knot than attempt to disentangle the confusion and mismanagement of centuries. The steady advance of good government in Ireland, as reported by Cusack, even if we allow something for exaggeration,-is a proof of the unsoundness of such a notion. It was a convincing argument that under good management Irishmen are just as capable as their neighbours of obeying steady rule, and making as rapid progress as others in the arts of civilization. This was evidently Cusack's conviction founded upon careful observation. The rapid change from waste and disorder to "civil obedience"-the certainty with which agriculture improved, and ploughs were multiplied, wherever firm and temperate measures were adopted by able Deputies, called forth his just commendations; but such results betokened and deserved the highest praise, not merely so far as the Deputy was concerned, but the Irish also. It is clear that they needed nothing more than good rule "to be observed and kept amongst them," for peace, prosperity, and contentment to be established in the land.

As to the second fact. Cusack notices that there were some who, advocating the opposite policy, thought it would be desirable for Ireland to be governed by Irish Lords. Without adopting his opinion that such rule must necessarily degenerate into licentiousness, and that Irish rulers would only make use of the opportunity to strengthen themselves for fresh rebellion, this only. I will observe,that, if the writer's accuracy may be depended upon, the good effects which he pointed out in the rule of Sir

*Carew, p. 247.

James Croft bore their fruits under a Deputy of English blood. In short, the welfare of Ireland and the civility of its people are independent of blood and race; they follow inevitably from the same causes as have raised other nations to power and plenty.

The writer regrets that there were no preachers amongst the Irish "to tell [them] their duties towards God and their King." "As for preaching," he observes, "we "have none, which is our most lack, without which the ignorant can have no knowledge.' Whether by preaching-by which he meant the preaching of Protestant doctrines-that end which he desired would have been sooner attained, some, looking forward into Irish history, might be inclined to question. Perhaps the success of Sir James was in some measure due to the fact that, earnest and sincere as he was in the profession of the Protestant faith, he showed his faith and sincerity by refusing to propagate it by ways which in Ireland as elsewhere have always brought discredit upon it. And always will.

In the justice and ability of the following remarks all readers will coincide. "Irishmen," he remarks towards the conclusion of his memorial, "are now soon brought to obedience, considering they have no liberty to prey and "spoil, whereby they maintain their men.

66

The

policy that was devised for the sending of the Earls of "Desmond, Thomond, Clanricard, and Tyrone, and the "Baron of Upper Ossory,† O'Kerroll, McGynnes, and "others into England, was a great help of bringing "those countries to good order; for none of them who "went into England committed harm upon the King's

*Carew, p. 246.

†The playmate and friend of Edward VI., better known in England as Barnaby Fitzpatrick.

"Majesty's subjects. The winning of the Earl of Desmond "was the winning of the rest of Munster with small

66

charges. The making O'Brien an Earl made all that

country obedient. The making of McWilliam Earl of "Clanricard made all that country during his time quiet "and obedient, as it is now. The making of McGilfadrick "Baron of Upper Ossory hath made his country obedient; " and the having of their lands by Dublin is such a gage upon them as they will not forfeit the same through " wilful folly."*

66

Here I must conclude for the present.

J. S. BREWER.

* Carew, p. 246. In the Carew MS. this paragraph follows immediately after Cusack's memorial, in a postscript. A more complete copy of this postscript will be found among the Irish State Papers, endorsed "Welshe's Declaration."

APPENDIX.

IT has been stated in a note at p. xxxvii. of this Preface that coyne and livery were begun by Thomas Earl of Desmond, about 1465, for which he was beheaded. It is, however, just to state that a different cause has been assigned for his execution in a memorial by his grandson, written in the Irish tongue, and translated into English by his representative, then in the English Court, and addressed to the Lords of the Privy Council.

"So it is that this Earl's grandfather was brought up in the King's house, and being well learned in all manner of sciences and an eloquent poet, as the author affirmeth, was in singular favour with his Highness, so far forth that his grace took much pleasure and delight in his talk. And upon a day being in chase a hunting, his Majesty questioned with him, and amongst other things said, 'Sir cousin O'Desmound, for as much as I have you in secret trust, above others, and that ye are a man who doth both see and hear many things, as well in my court as elsewhere abroad, which shall not perchance be brought to mine ears, I pray you tell me what do you hear spoken by me?' To the which he answered his Highness and said, 'If it like your Grace, nothing but honor and much nobility.' The King, nevertheless, not satisfied with that answer, demanded of him again, three or four several times, what he had heard; and willed him frankly to declare the truth, not hiding one jot thereof from his knowledge; whereunto the said Earl made answer as he did before. At the last his Majesty, wading still in that communication as most desirous to grope the full, required him, for that he took him to be not only a man of a singular wit, but of a long experience and judgment withal, and none within this realm in whom he had more affiance, to declare his own opinion, and what he himself thought of him. To the which the said Earl lowly made answer and said, 'If it shall please your Grace to pardon me and not to be offended with that I shall say, I assure you I find no fault in any manner of thing, saving only that your Grace hath too much abased