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than by Homer, as there seems to be more propriety in representing the inferior god of the winds as counteracted by the superior god of the sea, than in making a sea nymph rescue one whom the god of the sea is seeking to destroy. But if Virgil has obtained an advantage over Homer, it is with the help of Homer's weapons, as the interview between Juno and Aeolus obviously owes its existence to the interview between Here and the God of Sleep. The dialogue of Venus and Jupiter appears to be another appropriation from Naevius; but, as in the former case, Virgil seems to have established his right to what he has borrowed by the perfect fitness with which a prophecy of the destiny of Rome is introduced at the commencement of a poem intended to be a monument of Roman greatness. The remaining incidents of the First Book need not detain us much longer. As a general rule, they are borrowed from Homer; but we may admire the skill with which Virgil has introduced varieties of detail, as where Ulysses, listening to songs about Troy, reappears in Aeneas looking at sculptures or paintings of Trojan subjects, and the art with which a new impression is produced by a combination of old materials, in making the friendly power that receives Aeneas unite the blandishments of Calypso with the hospitality of Alcinous, and so engrafting a tale of passion on a narrative of ordinary adventure. The suggestion of the employment of Cupid by Venus was evidently taken from the loan of Aphrodite's cestus in Homer and the assistance rendered by the God of Love in Apollonius; but the treatment of the thought is original and happy; and the few lines which describe the removal of Ascanius to Idalia might themselves suggest a subject for poetry to some Keats or Shelley, in whose mind the seed casually dropped by Virgil should expand and germinate.

ARMA virumque cano, Troiae qui primus ab oris

1-7.] 'I sing the hero who founded the Trojan kingdom in Italy, his voyages

and his wars.'

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They are not found in Med., Rom., Gud., or the Verona fragments (Pal. and the fragments of Vat. and St. Gall seem to fail here), and the only MS. in Ribbeck's list which contains them (the Berne MS. No. 172) has them written in the margin by a later hand. They appear to have existed in the time of Servius and of the Pseudo-Donatus, who say that Nisus the grammarian had heard a story of their having been expunged by Tucca and Varius; on which Heyne remarks, "Si res ita se habet, acutior sane Varius Vergilio fuit." The external evidence of such a story it is impossible to estimate, but its existence suspiciously indicates that the lines were felt to require apology. Those who speak of them as an introduction to the poem, forget that if genuine they are

an integral part of the first sentence; and that it is, to say the least, remarkable that the exordium should be so constructed as to be at once interwoven with the context, and yet capable of removal without detriment to the construction, just at the point which forms a much better commencement. The words 'arma virumque' are quoted by Martial, 8. 56., 19. 14., 185. 2, and Auson. Epig. 137. 1, evidently as a real commencement of the Aeneid; while Ovid, Trist. 2. 533, and Persius, 1.96, quote 'arma virumque,' or 'arma virum,' as important and independent words, which they cease to be the moment 'arma' is viewed in connexion with the words supposed to precede it. Virg. himself, 9. 777, has (of the poet Clytius) "Semper equos atque arma virum pugnasque canebat." Comp. also Ov. 1 Amor. 15. 25, Prop. 3. 26. 63, which point the same way. Macrob. Sat. 5. 2 quotes Troiae qui primus ab oris' as part of the first verse of the Aeneid. On the other hand Priscian 940 P cites Ille ego qui quondam gracili modulatus avena as Virg.'s. Henry's view that arma Martis' is happily contrasted with 'arma agricolae' (comp. G. 1. 160) seems to be favoured by the structure of the sentence, and may very possibly have been present to the mind of the author of these

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Italiam, fato profugus, Lavinaque venit Litora, multum ille et terris iactatus et alto

lines; but it clearly was not present to the minds of those who quoted 'arma' by itself as war. Tastes may differ as to the rival commencements, on which see Henry in loco, and on 2. 247; but it may be suggested that Virg. would scarcely in his first sentence have divided the attention of the reader between himself and his hero by saying, in effect, that the poet who wrote the Eclogues and the Georgics, sings the hero who founded Rome. Wagn. and Forb., however, as well as Henry, consider the lines as genuine; and they have been imitated by Spenser in the opening of the Faery Queene, and Milton in the opening of Paradise Regained.

Arma virumque:' this is an imitation of the opening of the Odyssey, avopa po ἔννεπε κ.τ.λ. It may also be taken from the first line of the Cyclic poem of the Epigoni, preserved by the Schol. on Aristoph. Peace 1270, Nûv av0' d¤λоTépwv av. Spwv aрxúμeba, Movσal. It is followed by all the other Roman writers of epic poetry, Lucan, Flaccus, Statius, and, above all, Silius, the most faithful copier of Virg., with a unanimity which strongly supports the view taken in the preceding note. The words are not a hendiadys, but give first the character of the subject and then the subject itself. Arma' may have been intended to suggest, though it does not express, a contrast between this and Virg.'s previous poems.-In commencing with 'cano' he has followed his own example in the Georgics, rather than that of Homer, who at once invokes the Muse; and the Latin Epic writers have followed Virg. The earlier commentators have found a difficulty in reconciling 'primus' with Antenor's previous migration (below, vv. 242 foll.), and suggest that Aeneas had first reached Italy proper, though Antenor had previously reached Venetia. On the other hand, Heyne and Wagn. make 'primus' equivalent toolim,' thus weak ening a word which from its position and its occurrence in the first line of the poem must be emphatic. The more obvious sense is that Aeneas is so called without refer ence to Antenor, as the founder of the great Trojan empire in Italy.

2.] Fato,' a mixture of modal and instrum. abl., as in 4. 696., 6. 449, 466, &c. Here it seems to go with 'profugus,' though it might go with 'venit:' comp. 10. 67. Perhaps the force may be "pro

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fugus quidem, sed fato profugus," a glorious and heaven-sent fugitive. So Livy 1. 1., comp. by Weidner, "Aenean ab simili clade domo profugum sed ad maiora rerum initia ducentibus fatis." For the poetic accus. Italiam-Lavina litora,' without the preposition, see Madv. § 232, obs. 4. The MSS. are divided between Lavinaque,' 'Laviniaque,' and perhaps Lavinia.' The last, however, though adopted by Burm. and Heyne, and approved by Heins., seems to rest solely on the authority of Med., which has Lavinia' (corrected into Lavina'), with a mark of erasure after the word. Laviniaque' is found in the Verona fragm., and is supported by quotations in Terentianus Maurus and Diomedes, and in single MSS. of Priscian, Censorinus, and Servius in artem Donati. Lavinaque' is found in Rom., Gud., and probably most other MSS., and is supported by quotations in Macrobius, Gellius, Marius Victorinus, Pompeius, the Schol. on Lucan, most MSS. of Priscian, and one of Censorinus. Servius mentions both readings, saying, "Lavina legendum est, non Lavinia." Lavinia' is supported by 4. 236: but the synizesis, though not unexampled (comp. 5. 269., 6. 33, and see on G. 4. 243), is perhaps awkward, especially in the second line of the poem, and the imitation in Prop.3. 26. 64,"Iactaque Lavinis moenia litoribus," is in favour of the form Lavina.' 12. 71 has "novercali sedes praelata Lavino," though there as in Prop. the quadrisyllabic form might be introduced and explained by synizesis. On the whole, I have preferred Lavinaque,' believing the form to be possible in itself (comp. "Campanus," "Lucanus," " Appulus," &c.), and more probable in this instance; the modern editors however are generally for Laviniaque.' Lachmann on Lucr. 2. 719 speaks doubtfully. The epithet which belonged to the place after the foundation of the city by Aeneas is given to it here, as in 4. 236, by a natural anticipation at the time of his landing.

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Juv.

3.] The imitation of the exordium of the Odyssey continues, multum ille iactatus.. multa quoque passus,' being modelled on πολλὰ πλάγχθη . . πολλὰ δὲ oye . . wábev: 'ille,' as so often in Virg., standing for the Homeric öye. 'Multum,' &c., used to be pointed as a separate sentence; it is however evidently constructed with 'venit,' so that 'ille' is vir

Vi superum, saevae memorem Iunonis ob iram,
Multa quoque et bello passus, dum conderet urbem,
Inferretque deos Latio, genus unde Latinum
Albanique patres atque altae moenia Romae.

Musa, mihi caussas memora, quo numine laeso,
Quidve dolens, regina deum tot volvere casus

tually pleonastic. Comp. 5. 457., 6. 593.,
9. 479. Here it appears rhetorically to
be equal to 'quidem.' 'Iactatus' is natu-
rally transferred from wanderings by sea
to wanderings by land. In such passages
as vv. 332, 668, we see the point of
transition. So 5. 627, "cum freta, cum
terras omnis . . ferimur."

4.] Vi superum' expresses the general agency, like fato profugus,' though Juno was his only personal enemy. Gossrau's fancy that 'vi superum' = Bla Oewv, 'in spite of heaven,' has no authority. For 'memorem iram' comp. Livy 9. 29, "Traditur censorem etiam Appium memori Deum ira post aliquot annos luminibus captum." So Aesch. Ag. 155, uváμwv μnvis. Ob iram,' below, v. 251, 'to sate the wrath.'

5.] Passus,' constructed like iactatus.' "Quoque' and 'et' of course form a pleonasm, though the former appears to be connected with 'multa,' and the latter with 'bello.' 'Dum conderet' like "dum fugeret," G. 4. 457, where see note. Here we might render 'in the struggle to build his city.' So Hom. Od. 1. 4 foll., Toλλà πάθεν ἀρνύμενος κ.τ.λ. The clause belongs to 'multa bello passus,' rather than to iactatus.'

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6.] "Victosque Penatis inferre," 8. 11. 'Unde' may be taken either as "qua ex re," or as "a quo," as in v. 568., 6. 766, &c. The latter seems more probable. 'Genus Latinum,' Albani patres,' 'altae moenia Romae,' denote the three ascending stages of the empire which sprang from Aeneas, Lavinium, Alba, and Rome. Comp. 12. 823, foll., which is a good commentary on the present passage. Albani patres' probably means not our Alban ancestors,' but the senate, or rather the noble houses of Alba, of which the Julii were one.

8-11.] Why was it, Muse, that Juno so persecuted so pious a hero?'

8.] Caussae' is not unfrequently used where we should be content with the sing., e. g. v. 414., 2. 105., 3. 32., 6. 710, the last of which will illustrate the epexegetical clause 'quo-inpulerit.' Memora' is appropriate, as the Muses were connected with memory comp. 7. 645, and see note

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on E. 7. 19.-There are various ways of taking 'quo numine laeso.' Some think there is a change of construction, and that

inpulsus fuerit," or something like it, should have followed; so that Virgil should have imitated Homer, Il. 1. 8, Tís T' ap σφωε θεῶν ἔριδι ξυνέηκε μάχεσθαι; But this, as Heyne remarks, though not unexampled, would be a singular piece of loose writing so early in the poem, and would moreover involve the inconsistency of first saying that it was Juno, 'saevae memorem Iunonis ob iram,' and then asking the Muse what god it was. Others make 'numine' nearly equivalent to 'voluntate,' citing 2. 123, " quae sint ea numina divom;" but even supposing that 'numen' in this sense might be taken distributively, which the passage above quoted does not prove, 'laeso' would scarcely be appropriate to 'numine' in this sense, while the words frequently occur in conjunction in the sense of outraged majesty. Comp. 2. 183, Hor. Epod. 15. 3, and Macleane's note. Heyne accepts Serv.'s proposal of separating 'quo' from 'numine,' and taking it in the sense of "qua re," "qua caussa," which would be extremely harsh. It remains then, with Wagn., to regard the expression as equivalent to "quam ob laesi. onem numinis sui;" referring it to the cases already noticed on E. 1. 53, where the pronoun or pronominal adjective stands for its corresponding adverb. Thus the negative answer to 'quo numine laeso' would be "nullum numen Iunonis laesit." Or we may say that numen laesum' alone would stand for "laesio numinis" (see Madv. § 426), and that in such a construction the question could hardly be asked otherwise than by making the interrogative pronoun agree with the noun. charge of impiety strictly could be brought against Aeneas, but there might be 'dolores,' such as are mentioned vv. 23-28, which impelled Juno to persecute even one renowned for piety.

No

9.] Volvere: see on G. 2. 295, "Multa virum volvens durando saecula vincit." The misfortunes are regarded as a destined circle which Aeneas goes through.

Insignem pietate virum, tot adire labores Inpulerit. Tantaene animis caelestibus irae?

Urbs antiqua fuit, Tyrii tenuere coloni, Karthago, Italiam contra Tiberinaque longe Ostia, dives opum studiisque asperrima belli; Quam Iuno fertur terris magis omnibus unam Posthabita coluisse Samo; hic illius arma, Hic currus fuit; hoc regnum dea gentibus esse, Si qua fata sinant, iam tum tenditque fovetque. Progeniem sed enim Troiano a sanguine duci

10.] Insignem pietate' (6.403) characterizes the hero, as ToλÚTρоTov does Ulysses in the commencement of the Odyssey. The contrast, however, between piety and sufferings is made in the case of Ulysses himself, Od. 1. 60 foll., 66 foll. Pietas' includes the performance of all duties to gods, parents, kinsmen, friends, and country. "Adire periculum " is not uncommon in Cicero; see Forc.

11.] It is difficult to say whether 'animis caelestibus' is a dat. with an ellipsis of the verb substantive or the ablative.

12-33.] Juno was patroness of Carthage, which, she had heard, was destined one day to be crushed by a nation of Trojan descent. Hence she persecuted the Trojans, who were already her enemies, and kept them away from Italy.'

12.] Urbs antiqua,' said with reference to Virg.'s own age. For the parenthetical construction Tyrii tenuere coloni,' comp. v. 530 below, "Est locus, Hesperiam Graii cognomine dicunt." Tyrii coloni,' 'settlers from Tyre,' as "Dardaniis colonis," 7. 422, are settlers from Troy.

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13.] Longe,' as contrasted with the adjacent islands. The sense is clear (“Against the Tiber's mouth, but far away," Dryden), though it is not easy to determine the exact grammatical position of longe.' The choice seems to lie between connecting it with contra' and making it an adverbial adjunct of ostia,' i. q. longe distantia.' The latter is a Grecism (Wund. comp. Toû Teλauwvos Tηλódev olkov, Soph. Aj. 204), but may perhaps be supported by the use of "super" 3. 489, note. It appears that some in the time of Serv. actually took 'longe' with 'dives.'

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10

15

to the stern pursuits of war.' "Ad bella studium," G. 3. 179.

15.] Germ. comp. Od. 8. 284, 1⁄2 oi yaιdwv πολὺ φιλτάτη ἐστὶν ἁπασέων. 'Unam magis omnibus coluisse' "unam omnium maxime coluisse." The Astarte of the Phoenicians is identified, in the loose way common among the ancients, with Juno. On the temple of Hera at Samos, see Hdt. 3. 60.

16.] Coluisse,' as dweller in the temple. Comp. v. 447. "Pallas quas condidit arces Ipsa colat," E. 2. 61. For Juno's arms, comp. 2. 614, note. Her chariot is from Il. 5. 720 foll. The Phoenician Astarte was represented seated on a lion.

17.] Regnum gentibus,' 'the capital of the nations,' instead of Rome. The dative, as in 8. 65., 10. 203. For the pronoun taking the gender of the following substantive, see Madv. § 313.

18.] Si qua' is similarly used 6. 882. "Fata sinebant," 4. 652., 11. 701. Med. 2 m. p. has sinunt.' 'Iam tum,' in that early age, long before it became the actual rival of Rome. Tendit' determines the construction, the infinitive being the object of both verbs. Tendere ' is often followed by an infinitive, the subject being the same as the nominative to the verb, as "aqua tendit rumpere plumbum," Hor. 1 Ep. 10. 20, "si vivere cum Iove tendis," Pers. 5. 139. Foveo,' on the other hand, takes an accusative, as "fovere consilium." These two constructions are united, the sentence 'hoc-esse' standing in the re lation of an ordinary infinitive to 'tendit,' and of an accusative to 'fovet.' Three MSS. give ‘favet,' and 'vovet' has been conjectured.

Some have thought 'hoc regnum-fovetque' spurious, on the strength of a notice of Serv., which really refers to v. 534 below.

19.] Sed enim,' 2. 164, &c., ¿λλà yáp,

D

Audierat, Tyrias olim quae verteret arces; Hinc populum late regem belloque superbum Venturum excidio Libyae: sic volvere Parcas. Id metuens veterisque memor Saturnia belli, Prima quod ad Troiam pro caris gesserat ArgisNecdum etiam caussae irarum saevique dolores Exciderant animo: manet alta mente repostum Iudicium Paridis spretaeque iniuria formae, Et genus invisum, et rapti Ganymedis honores; 'however,' or 'nevertheless.' The present infinitive, duci,' denotes the event as existing in the designs of fate. 'Duci,' as in 10. 145. Gossrau, following a suggestion of Serv., thinks the 'progenies' is Scipio, which is very improbable, and besides makes 'hinc,' v. 21, inexplicable; and the same objection applies to Ladewig's more plausible explanation of 'progenies' as the great Trojan families among the Romans.

20.] Quae verteret,' 'to overturn.' See on 7. 99. Vertere,' as in 2. 652, &c. As might be expected, some MSS. have 'everteret.'

21.] 'Late regem,' comp. evρukрelwv, and "late tyrannus," Hor. 3 Od. 17. 9. Populus' is a personification, and therefore takes the epithet 'rex.' Hinc,' i. e. Trojano a sanguine,' rather than 'ex hac progenie ;' but it is not very clear, as, though in the latter case the distinction between the 'progenies' and the 'populus' springing from it seems unmeaning, the former view creates a tautology. In v. 235, where the expression is somewhat parallel, "revocato a sanguine Teucri" seems epexegetical of "hinc." Serv. mentions that Probus marked this and the next line as doubtful; but it seems to have been merely a critical opinion. Superbus' here seems to be equivalent to 'praestans,' as in Sil. 10. 573, "I, decus Ausoniae, quo fas est ire superbas Virtute et factis animas."

22.] Venire excidio,' like "venire aux ilio" and "subsidio," Libyae' being probably the dative, as 'Dardaniae' seems to be 2. 325. But there is room for doubt in both instances. It is hard to fix the precise meaning of 'volvere.' The passage 3. 375, "sic fata deum rex Sortitur volvit que vices," is equally obscure; and we are left to choose between the ideas of a cycle of events (which is recommended by "is vertitur ordo" in the passage in A. 3), an urn in which lots are shaken, the threads of a spindle (which is the view of Serv.), and a book. I have returned to the common orthography excidium,' as being

20

25

apparently the only one known to the MSS. of Virg.: but the word must be derived from "exscindo,” as “discidium" from "discindo," unless, deriving it from "excido," we pronounce it as a trisyllable by synizesis. "Excidio" on the other hand seems clearly to come from “excido," like "occidio" from "occido," so that we must suppose a synizesis in Plaut. Curc. 4. 3. 2, "Sed eapse illa qua excidionem facere condidici oppidis."

23.] Veteris' and 'prima' are applied to the Trojan war, as contrasted with this new antipathy of Juno to the Trojans, caused by her anxiety for Carthage, as the former had been caused by her love for Argos. Prima,' adverbially, as in G. 1. 12. 25.] The words from necdum' to 'ho

nores

are parenthetical. These causae irarum' are distinguished from the vetus bellum,' in other words, from the 'irae' themselves, the bitterness displayed in or produced by the war. V rg. had already, v. 24, suggested one cause in her love for Argos; but though this supplies a parallel to her present feeling, it scarcely accounts for its existence; so he goes back to show that her old quarrel with Troy had other grounds. Dolores' is the pang, put for the affront. It is only in the sense of the affront that it can properly be joined with

exciderant animo,' understood of being forgotten. So "dolens," v. 9. Or if 'dolores' is taken in its ordinary sense, 'exciderant animo' will shift its meaning, 'had passed from her soul.'

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27.] The injury which consisted in her beauty being scorned,' explaining the 'iudicium Paridis.' The legend does not appear in Hom. earlier than II. 24. 29 foll.

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28.] Genus invisum,' the hated stock,' referring to the birth of Dardanus, who was the son of Jupiter by Electra, daughter of Atlas. The carrying off of Ganymede, who belonged to a later generation of the royal house of Troy, was a further provocation.

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