c. 30.]

SERENUS BANISHED.

173

not probable that, with one confederate only, he should have meditated the murder of the prince, and a change of the state."

29. The accuser then named Cneius Lentulus and Seius Tubero, to the great confusion of Tiberius; when men of the first rank in Rome, his own intimate friends, Lentulus in extreme old age, Tubero worn out with infirmities, were charged with seditious movements and designs of innovation. But they indeed were instantly acquitted. Against the father his slaves were examined upon the rack; and their examination went against the accuser; who, distracted with guilt, and frightened besides with the language of the populace, who menaced him with the dungeon, the rack, and the punishment of parricides, fled the city. He was dragged back from Ravenna, and compelled to prosecute his accusation; Tiberius not concealing his old hatred to the exile Serenus: for after the condemnation of Libo,' he had by letters upbraided the emperor, that such signal zeal as he had shown in that trial remained without reward: he had likewise inserted some expressions more contumacious than safe in the ears of a prince proud and prone to take offence. These matters were eight years after revived by Tiberius, who charged him with many misdemeanours during that interval, though, through the obstinacy of his slaves, nothing, he said, could be discovered by

torture.

30. The votes being then taken, and Serenus sentenced "to death according to the custom of antiquity;" Tiberius, to soften the public odium, interposed. Then Asinius Gallus moved, "to confine him to the Isle of Gyarus or Donusa:" a motion which Tiberius also rejected; arguing, "that both these isles were destitute of water; and that to whom they granted life, the conveniences of life ought likewise to be granted." So Serenus was carried back to Amorgos. And now, as Cornutus had died by his own hands, it was moved "to abrogate the rewards of informers, as often as any person

2

1 For the iniquitous proceedings against Libo, see book ii. s. 27. 2 When the person accused was found guilty, the fourth part of his estate and effects went to the prosecutors; but if he prevented judgment by a voluntary death, his property descended to his heirs; and, in that case, the emperor paid his harpies out of the fiscus, the imperial exchequer, that is, out of his own coffers. Tiberius, no doubt, felt uneasy under the burden of so heavy an expense.

charged with treason should, before judgment passed, put an end to his own life." And this motion was being carried, but Tiberius, in behalf of the informers, openly complained, with sternness, and contrary to his custom, "that the laws would be defeated, and the commonwealth placed in imminent peril : that they should rather dissolve the laws than dismiss their guardians." Thus the informers, a description of men called into existence to prey upon the vitals of society, and never sufficiently restrained even by penalties, were now encouraged by rewards.

31. This so long continued series of sad events was interrupted by a degree of joy from the pardon extended by Tiberius to Cominius, who had been convicted of writing defamatory verses upon him, at the instance of his brother, a senator: an event which made it the more astonishing, that he who knew better things, and the fair fame that waits on clemency, should prefer severity. For neither did he err from want of discernment; nor is it difficult to distinguish when the doings of princes are applauded with sincerity, and when they are received with simulated satisfaction. Nay, even Tiberius, upon other occasions studied and artificial in his manner, and as if struggling to give utterance to his sentiments, yet, whenever he spoke as an advocate, delivered himself with readiness and volubility. But Publius Suilius, formerly quæstor to Germanicus, now convicted of having taken money in an affair where he was to decree as a judge, and for which he was about to be sentenced to be excluded from Italy, the emperor adjudged him to banishment into an island, with such earnestness of feeling, that with the solemnity of an oath he declared it "for the interest of the commonwealth :" a proceeding which, though at the time regarded as harsh, turned afterwards to his praise, when Suilius returned to Rome: a following age saw that exile possessed of extravagant power; abandoned to venality, and employing his friendship with Claudius, which he long enjoyed, in all cases for his own advancement, but never in the cause of virtue. Catus Firmius the senator was adjudged to the same punishment, "for having forged charges of treason against his own sister." Catus, as I have before declared, had involved Libo1 in guilt by insidious arts, and then, by informing against him, procured his overthrow. 1 See above, book ii. s. 27.

c. 33.] THE DIFFERENT FORMS OF GOVERNMENT.

175

Tiberius, mindful of this service, but pretending other motives, deprecated the sentence of banishment; but made no opposition to his expulsion from the senate.

32. I am aware that most of the transactions which I have related, or shall hereafter relate, may perhaps appear unimportant, and too trivial to be recorded. But none must compare these my Annals with the writings of those who compiled. the history of the ancient Roman people. They had for their subjects mighty wars, cities sacked, kings routed and taken captive: or if they turned from these to treat of domestic affairs, they had before them an unlimited field of digression in the dissensions between the consuls and the tribunes, the agrarian laws, the corn laws, and the contests between the commons and the patricians. The matter on which I am occupied is circumscribed, and unproductive of renown to the author-a state of undisturbed peace, or only interrupted in a limited degree, the sad condition of affairs in the city, and a prince indifferent about extending the bounds of the empire. Not unprofitable, however, will it be to investigate matters which, though unimportant in a superficial view, frequently give the first impulse to events of magnitude.

33. For all nations and cities are governed either by the populace, by the nobility, or by single rulers. The form of government consisting of elements selected from these and blended together, is easier applauded than realised; or if realised, cannot be of long duration. So that, as during the republic, either when the power of the people prevailed, or when the senate bore the chief sway, it was necessary to know the genius of the commonalty, and by what measures they were to be managed; and such too as were most thoroughly acquainted with the spirit of the senate and leading men, were esteemed skilful in the times, practical and wise statesmen: so now, under an altered condition of affairs, when the government of Rome is no other than the arbitrary rule of one man,1 it will be of advantage to collect and record these matters; since few can by their own foresight distinguish between honesty and knavery, between counsels pernicious and profit

1 The forms of the republican government were still preserved; the magistrates retained their ancient names; "eadem magistratuum vocabula;" but the emperor presided over the whole military department, and his tribunitian power gave him the sole direction of all civil business.

J

able; but most men are instructed by the examples of others. But this detail, as conferring future benefit, is far from affording present gratification. For the descriptions of countries, the alternations of success in war, the fate of illustrious generals, engage the attention of readers and prevent it from flagging. For myself, I have only to record the mandates of despotism, incessant accusations, faithless friendships, the ruin of innocence; one unvarying repetition of causes terminating in the same event, and presenting no novelty from their similarity and tiresome reiteration. Besides that the old historians are rarely censured; nor is any man now concerned whether they laud with greater zeal the Roman or Carthaginian armies. But, of many who under Tiberius suffered punishment, or were branded with infamy, the posterity are still subsisting; and though the families themselves may be extinct, you will find those who, from a similitude of manners, think that, in reciting the evil doings of others, they themselves are censured: nay, even virtue and a glorious name create enemies, as they expose the opposite characters by too close a contrast. But I return to my undertaking.

34. Whilst Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa were consuls, Cremutius Cordus was arraigned for that, "having published annals and in them praised Brutus, he had styled Cassius the last of the Romans :" a new crime, and then first heard of. Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta were his accusers; creatures of Sejanus. This circumstance, and the fact that Tiberius received his defence with a countenance of settled austerity, formed a fatal omen to the accused; who having made up his mind to die, thus expressed himself: "As to facts I am so guiltless, conscript fathers, that my words only are accused: but neither are any words of mine pointed against the emperor, or his mother; who are the only persous comprehended in the law of violated majesty. It is alleged that I have praised Brutus and Cassius; men whose lives and actions have been compiled by many writers, but by none without encomiums. Titus Livius, an historian eminently renowned for eloquence and veracity, signalized Pompey with such abundant praises, that he was by Augustus named Pom

1 Plutarch informs us that this was said by Brutus of his friend Cassius. Probably, therefore, Cremutius repeated and approved this saying of Brutus; who would otherwise himself, as the survivor of Cassius, have rather deserved this honourable distinction.

c. 35.]

DEFENCE OF CREMUTIUS CORDUS.

177

peianus; nor did this interfere with their friendship. Neither Scipio, nor Afranius, nor even this same Cassius, nor this same Brutus, are any where mentioned by him as ruffians and parricides, the common appellations now bestowed on them ; but often as great and distinguished men. The writings of Asinius Pollio have handed down the memory of the same men in honourable characters; Corvinus Messala gloried to have had Cassius for his general: and yet both Pollio and Corvinus continued in the uninterrupted enjoyment of wealth and honours under Augustus. That book of Cicero's, in which he exalted Cato to the skies; what other animadversion did it draw from Cæsar the dictator, than a written reply, as if appealing to judges? The letters of Mark Antony, the speeches of Brutus, are full of reproaches against Augustus ; unfounded indeed, but urged with signal asperity; the poems of Bibaculus, and those of Catullus, filled with virulent satires against the Cæsars, still are read. But even the deified Julius, even the deified Augustus, bore all these invectives and passed them over; whether with greater moderation or wisdom, it were difficult to say. For, if they are despised, they fade away; if you show displeasure, they seem to be admitted as true.

35. "I refer not to the Greeks: with them not the freedom only, but even the licentiousness of speech, is unpunished: or if any correction is applied, it is only by revenging words with words. It has been ever freely allowed, without exciting the censure of any one, to pass our judgment upon those whom death had withdrawn from the influence of affection and hate. Are Cassius and Brutus now in arms? do they fill with armed troops the fields of Philippi? or do I fire the Roman people by inflammatory harangues, to stir up the spirit of civil war? Brutus and Cassius, who fell now more than seventy years ago, are still known in their statues, which even the conqueror did not abolish: and as these exhibit their persons, why not the historian their characters? Posterity renders to every man his proper praise: nor will there be wanting such as, if my death is determined, will not only revive the story of Cassius and Brutus, but even mine." Having thus said, he withdrew from the senate, and starved himself to death.' The fathers

1 Seneca, de Consolatione ad Marciam, cap. xxii., gives a circumstantial account of his death. He was three days starving himself. Compare also the commencement of the same treatise.