"reflecting observer, with enlarged and original views, yet on “a guarded and prudent system. Let me suppose South Ame❝rica free, her liberty guarantied by England and North Ame"rica, and a wise and equitable treaty of commerce establish❝ed between the three powers. I shall not so impertinently and "unnecessarily trouble your Grace, as to dilate on the infinite "benefits resulting from such an arrangement to all the parties, "but most to your own country. Need I touch upon the glory re❝sulting to your Grace, should you become a prime mover in "this great event.

"The present season is, of all others, the best for immediate"ly putting the colonizing part of the system in execution; the "men, the ships, the stores, are all provided. Either we shall “have a war with Spain, or we shall not; if we have, we can "immediately attack her in South America, on a system of "plunder; if we have not, we lay an infallible train, which "will, in the lapse of a few years, blow her empire into the "air. In the first case, England will be enriched with the im"mediate spoils; in the last, more slowly, but more certainly, "beneficially and honorably, by a free and unshackled trade "with all South America.

"I am ashamed so long to occupy your Grace's time, yet I "have labored to be concise. It is impossible to compress all I "have to say in the compass of a letter; and though I do but hint, "I feel that I must appear immeasurably tedious; I, therefore, "earnestly desire the honor of a conversation with your Grace, "in which I could explain my ideas better than by a volume; "at the same time that I could not justify my going to London, "on the mere suggestion of my own wish, unsanctioned by the ❝encouragement of your Grace's approbation; I would, there"fore, that your Grace would constrain me to go, by signifying "your pleasure, on receipt of which, I shall attend you with "what information I have already collected, and much more, "which, in that case, I should take a short tour here to collect, from a quarter to which I have already alluded.

"I entreat the honor of a short letter from your Grace, on "the subject of this. If you think it of probability and import"ance to bear a further explanation, I shall wait on your Grace "personally, and I hope to be able to show your Grace such a "sketch and materials as may repay your Grace for the trouble

"of perusing them, and at least satisfy you that I have not “lightly, or without consideration, taken up the ideas which I "have ventured to submit to your Grace.

"Nov. 12, 1790.

"I am, my Lord Duke, &c.

"T. W. TONE.”

To this his Grace was pleased to send me the following an

swer:

"GOODWOOD, November 25th, 1790.

"SIR: I received your letter of the 12th instant, offering to ❝come to London to explain to me more fully the plan you now "have for making a settlement at the Sandwich Isles; but I ❝can by no means encourage you to take such a journey, at "least on my account, as I before informed you that the sort of "business you have in view belongs to the Department of the "Secretary of State for Home Affairs, Mr. Grenville, and not ❝to mine; and although I feel much flattered by the preference "you give me, in addressing your letters to me on this occasion, “yet, as I do not wish to interfere with what belongs to other "people, I must decline entering any further on this subject, and "refer you to Mr. Grenville, who, no doubt, will pay to your plan "all the attention it deserves. I am, Sir, &c.

"RICHMOND."

During this correspondence, armaments of all kinds were going forward in England, with the greatest spirit and earnestness; a war with Spain was looked on as inevitable, when, lo! a thing called a convention was struck up between the Ministers of the respective powers, and they proceeded by mutual consent to disarm. This bore a frosty appearance for the warm hopes of my friend Russell, Digges, and myself. We agreed, however, to make one exertion more for liberty and Mexico, before we finally renounced it; and, in pursuance of that resolution, though with very little hope of success, I transmitted the following letter and memorial to the Secretary of State, who had, in in the interim, been created Lord Grenville :

"MY LORD: I am with great gratitude to acknowledge your "Lordship's goodness, in noticing a letter I some time since "took the liberty to address to you, on the subject of a settle

"ment at the Sandwich Isles, which was handed to your Lord"ship by the Duke of Richmond. The recent change in affairs "by the convention with Spain, and some authentic information "on the subject of her colonies in America which has since that "time come to my knowledge, have induced me to trouble your "Lordship with a second memorial on the same subject. I have "endeavored to curtail my plan to the last degree of brevity. I "have not impertinently occupied your Lordship's attention, by ❝dwelling on what needs but to be mentioned, the advantages, "beyond all computation, resulting to England from a free com"merce with South America. I have barely hinted at what I know "to be the prevailing sentiment, and earnest wish, of North "America. But though I have been brief, knowing to whom I "have the honor to write, it was not so much from lack of ma"terials, as from a fear of trespassing on your Lordship's time. "I have collected not a little information relating to South "America, with which, if what I now submit shall excite your "Lordship's attention, I shall immediately attend you person"ally. With regard to so much of my present memorial as "relates to the Sandwich Isles, which I have but just touched ❝on, having already and at length submitted it to your Lord"ship, suffer me to say but this: If it be, as I have ventured to "suggest, the policy of England to hold out a prospect of sup"port to the South Americans, in their attempts at independ"ence, such a settlement will be a powerful instrument in the "revolution. If we look forward merely to a future war with "Spain, such a settlement will enable us to distress that coun"try to the uttermost, by harassing her commerce and plunder"ing her coasts on the Pacific Ocean; or, if a lasting and ho"norable peace be our object, nothing will tend so effectually "to secure and perpetuate it as this putting, I may say, a ca"vesson on Spain, which she will find it impossible to break. "For, surely, with such an enemy, and so posted on her most "vital and vulnerable parts, she never will venture to begin a ❝quarrel. I shall not longer presume to delay your Lordship, "but, with all deference, submit my plan to your perusal, and "remain, in humble expectation of your pleasure. Your Lord"ship's, &c. T. W. T.

"Longford-street, Dublin, Dec. 7, 1790."

MEMORIAL.

The late differences with Spain, which have been suspended by the convention, furnish a very ample ground for speculation. If it appears that the seeds of a dispute are sowed in the very moment of treaty, and that they must break forth at no very remote period, it is for the wisdom of Government to look closely into the situation of Spain, and, by availing themselves of every advantage resulting from that situation, to prepare for an event that must, at some time, unavoidably, and perhaps very speedily happen. By the late convention, we are allowed to circumnavigate all South America, to within ten leagues of the coast. We are also allowed to erect sheds for fishing, and every where to the southward of the southernmost Spanish settlement. What follows? Will the merchants of England allow their ships to go out in ballast? Will they, after crossing the Atlantic, stop religiously just thirty miles short of the richest ready-money market in the world? Or, if they are so scrupulous, will the South Americans send out no sloop or wherries to meet with and unlade them? And will not a fishing shed be very easily converted into a weather-proof warehouse? If these things be so, in five years the direct trade from Spain to South America will be ruined; she will seize on our vessels at the risque of every thing; for, by war, she can lose no more than, in peace, we shall undoubtedly deprive her of. It is, therefore, scarcely possible, that things can remain long on their present footing. Look, then, to the situation of Spain in South America. There has been, for years, a strong spirit of revolt fermenting in the Spanish colonies, which has repeatedly broken out into acts of violence. The people there are kept in the most abject slavery and ignorance. They are loaded with an unmerciful tax, the King's quinta, devouring one-fifth of their property at every transfer; they are pillaged, without remorse, by needy and rapacious Governors, who equally plunder the King and the people. In some districts, it is a capital offence to read any but religious books, so jealous is Spain of the dissemination of knowledge. But the natural feelings of man cannot be suppressed. The colonists have arisen, though hopeless of ally or protector, in

1761, in 1774, in 1785, in 1789. In the first insurrection, very tempting offers were made to England by the colonists, which were refused, perhaps, that a bad example might not be shown to our own colonies. That reason exists no longer. In the last, the people, to the number of 8,000, appeared before Mexico, the capital, and actually got possession of the royal magazine, which, by-the-by, was destitute of arms. All these risings were suppressed, not by the power of Spain, but by the priests, who are omnipotent in South America. It is unnecessary to multiply arguments, to prove the abhorrence and abomination in which the Government of Spain is held by her colonies. They have, at this moment, emissaries in Europe, and on their way thither, in North America, in England, in the very court of Spain, watching contingencies, and keeping their eyes steadily fixed on the great object, a revolution, which in the natural course of things must happen, and of which, whenever it does happen, England, if she attends to her own interest, must reap almost the whole benefit. If it be taken for granted, what can scarcely be doubted, that the Spanish colonists would rejoice at an opportunity of liberating themselves, is it necessary to do more than mention the boundless advantages which would result to England from an unshackled commerce with South America, the region of gold and silver, populous, lazy, luxurious, a market of probably equal value with all the rest of her trade, taken together? And if South America were free, can it be doubted that England would appropriate to herself nine tenths of this traffic, and the profit? It is, therefore, a settled principle, that the freedom of South America is, in the highest degree, for the interest of England. It is equally certain, that the South Americans long most ardently for liberty. A third point is easily proved, that the North Americans wish most earnestly, for a thousand reasons, that their neighbors should be as free as themselves. Arguments and facts, if necessary, might be adduced to prove it; but the relative situations and wants of the two countries, are in themselves proof sufficient. To forward this great revolution, a revolution extending the blessings of liberty to millions of slaves, the benefits of commerce to three mighty states, nothing, it is true, can immediately at this hour be done but, if it be probable that the present peace cannot last long; and if it be certain, that it is for the interest of England