of opulence yet unknown in this country? Would you not have, circuitously, the Spanish trade of England pass through your hands? Would not Spain pay every attention and respect to your flag? or, if she did not, then you would have a lawful and fair ground for quarrel, and might, and would, soon teach her that you were not a nation to be insulted with impunity. That England would exclaim, is what we might expect. We know with what reluctance she has ever renounced any badge of her domination over this country, and it cannot be supposed she would give up this last without a pang. But, surely, where the right is clearly established, your first duty is to your native land. I renounce the idea of national generosity. What was the language of the wisest of your senators on a great occasion? "Individuals may be generous, but nations never." I deny the tie of national gratitude; we owe no gratitude, where we have received no favor. If we did, in 1782, extort our rights from England at the very muzzle of the cannon, whom have we to thank but ourselves? Interested individuals may hold forth the nonsensical cant of the generosity of England; let us, on this important occasion, speak the language of truth and common sense. It is the spirit of Ireland, not the generosity of England, to which we owe our rights and liberties; and the same spirit that obtained, will continue to defend them. What can England do to us? With what countenance, what color of justice, can she upbraid us for following her own process? What should Irish policy be, by British example? First of all, take care of ourselves. We invade none of her rights; we but secure our own. Why then should we fear her resentment? But the timid will say, she may withdraw the protection of her flag from us, and I answer, let her do so; every thing is beneficial to Ireland that throws us on our own strength. We should then look to our internal resources, and scorn to sue for protection to any foreign state; we should spurn the idea of moving, an humble satellite round any power, however great, and claim at once, and enforce, our rank among the primary nations of the earth. Then should we have, what, under the present system, we never shall see, a NATIONAL FLAG, and spirit to maintain it. If we then fought and bled we should not feel the wound, when we turned our eyes to the Harp waving proudly over the ocean. But now, what are the victories of Britain to us? Her's is the quarrel, her's the glory, her's the profit, and to us nothing but the certainty of danger and of death; the action is over, and the name of Ireland is never heard; for England, not our country, we fight and we die. Yet, even under these forbidding circumstances, such is the restless valor of Irishmen, that we rush to action as eagerly, and maintain it as firmly, as if our interest, or our honor were at stake. We plant the laurel and water it with our best blood, and Britain reposes under the shade. I have now done, and with you, my Lords and gentlemen, it rests to estimate the weight of what I have advanced. The Parliament ye constitute is a young Parliament. Your innocence is yet, I trust, untainted by the rank leaven of corruption. Ye have no interests to bias your judgment but the interest of Ireland. Your first opportunity for exertion is a great one—no less than fixing the rank of your country among the nations of the earth. May the gracious wisdom of Providence enlighten your minds, expand your hearts, and direct your councils to the advantage of your own honor, and the establishment of the welfare and glory and independence of Ireland, for ever and ever. HIBERNICUS. |