otherwise, they must seek for means out of Parliament to enforce their measures. The day of omnipotence, of mere ministerial majorities, is gone by; they are, in this land, but the flash, without the bolt. The national wisdom, the national spirit, will require some reason beyond numbers, and if none be given, the bayonet may prove an useful supplement to the mace. Whether the present opposition to Government be supported by the feeling and sentiment of the nation, and, if so, whether it be a well founded attachment, or merely a momentary effusion of popular levity, I purpose to inquire. It is my right as a free subject, and this, I conceive, to be the period for investigation. The trust committed to the House of Commons, is about to be returned to the hands that bestowed it, and much, indeed, will depend on the complexion of the future Parliament.

At the opening of the session the first grand singularity which struck every man, was the helpless and deserted appearance which Administration presented at a time when, if ever, powerful ability was indispensable to their very existence. The Marquis of Buckingham, at his departure, had accumulated a load of odium for his successor, which it required either very great integrity to remove, or very splendid ingenuity to repel. The people naturally looked to the new Administration, either for a change of measures, or some very powerful accession of senatorial ability, indeed, to support and defend the past. It was, therefore, not without some surprise, nor, indeed, some indignation, that the old system was beheld, followed up with a whetted keenness of profligacy, and undefended by even the shadow of argument, in utter contempt of character, of dignity, of decency. The people gazed with astonishment on the Secretary and his supporters, nor could they avoid reflecting on what the priests must be when the God was a monkey!

It has been an old prejudice, which the experience of our own senses can subvert, that, to the existence of any Government, some integrity, some ability, and a great deal of popular opinion was necessary. We have lived to see an Administration commence and proceed in an uninterrupted career of the most wanton extravagance, the most impudent prostitution, and the most gross and avowed corruption; I do not say without honesty, that is not wonderful, but without even an attempt to

Varnish over the rottenness of their proceedings, and in complete defiance of public censure, or public infamy. Until this session, it was thought a due, or, at least, a decent compliment to the understanding of the people, to color the most profligate acts, of the most profligate administration, with some pretext, however slight; but, now, even that is unnecessary. Our minds, I suppose, are degraded to our condition, and administration, in the careless confidence of success, are above descending to explain or defend measures, which it is the duty of Irishmen to receive, not with investigation, but humble submission.

And will the people of Ireland be thus governed? Let the Minister look well to it. There is no more fatal degree of delusion in politics, than to mistake a state of lethargy, in a Kingdom, for a state of rest. The fermentation will begin ; the people will not be always defied. They are slow to anger, but they are not that blatant beast that will bear any burden, provided their long ears be scratched, and they are indulged in liberty of braying. They will see who they are that rule them with a rod of iron; they will see what are their measures, how they are carried, and how they are defended; they will probe the ulcer that corrodes our constitution to the bottom; they will look among themselves for the remedy.

When once a Government becomes contemptible to the public eye, its strongest pillar is shaken-Res nolunt diu male administrari. This nation will not endure such a Government; they will not bear to see their liberty and property and independence at the mercy of an idle, ambling, petit maitre, though accident should make him a secretary, nor will they be argued out of their reason by the foaming and frothy tautology of one great law-officer, nor bullied out of their spirit by the proud and intemperate pomposity of another. Slavery in any shape is dreadful, but slavery to such men is adding insult to misery, it is "taking away all dignity from "distress, and making calamity ridiculous."

Under the guidance of these inauspicious leaders, Administration opened the political campaign. The measures expected from the side of opposition were of the highest national importance and utility; so comprehensive in their end; so obviously practicable in their means; so reasonable and so necessary, that resistance on the part of Government, however supported by ability VOL. I-39

or numbers, was looked on as almost impossible. The nation did not expect a denial of axiomatic truths, and could scarcely think that any Minister would be hardy enough to force down measures which he found it impracticable, even in appearance, to defend; but the people, measuring their own danger by the apparent utter incapacity of their adversaries, have, at a heavy loss, shewed the futility of such idle confidence. They have learnt that to be mischievous requires no great elevation of sentiment, or expansion of mind; they are taught that, as refinement of the heart and understanding generally go together, so the dullest booby ever bids fairest for being the most corrupt; they have felt, by sore experience, how little genius or wisdom is necessary to the demolition of a constitution, the formation of which betrays, I had almost said, a divine interposition.

The grievances of the nation affected her property or her constitution; many of them both; where her property was voted away for the purpose of buying up her constitution. Opposition were pledged to bring forward certain remedies for those grievances; a place-bill, a pension bill, a responsibility bill, a modification of the police, an inquiry into the doctrine of special bail in actions of slander. These they have tried in every shape, and in every shape have failed. What ability, perseverance, and integrity could do within doors, has been done; and, whatever may be the event, opposition are acquitted to the people of Ireland.

The grievances complained of were of no light nature. A wanton profligacy in the expenditure of the public money is a serious evil. Had it been only wasted in experiments of visionary improvement, however the nation might have murmured, Administration would have a colorable excuse to plead. But what shall be said when it is known by the public assertion of the first men in the House of Commons, and stands undenied by the Minister of Ireland, nay, avowed by an intemperate partizan, that this money has been expended on the corruption of the representation of the people! Here is loss upon loss; the nation is loaded with a debt under which she staggers, to raise the purchase money of her own slavery. Her property is gone, not to secure, but to demolish her honor, and her freeborn sons forced to labor in the mine for the very metal that is forged into manacles for their hands, and shackles for their feet!

This disgraceful grievance was made one principal ground of complaint by opposition, but they did not complain without pointing out the remedy. They introduced a Pension Bill and a Place Bill; a pension bill which, far from clogging the fair liberality of Government, left the Minister in possession of £80,000 annually, and an unlimited credit for any grants to the royal family; surely a sum sufficient for his benevolence and his loyalty.

In support of this measure, it was stated that our pension list stood now at the enormous sum of £108,280 annually, a sum considerably larger than the pensions of England amount to; that of this there had been added, since 1784, no less than £16,000, which, with £14,000, which had in the same time fallen in, and been re-granted, amounted to £30,000 per annum, a sum sufficient, at 4 per cent. to pay the interest of £750,000, if any emergency should render it necessary to borrow that sum; that this was a wanton anticipation of the resources of the country, and a grievous and unnecessary expense, aggravated to the highest degree by the purpose to which the money was applied— the poisoning the very source of public virtue and national integrity; that, in five years, pensions had been granted to no less than eleven members of Parliament, to the wives of several more, and to four or five Peers of the Realm; that these were given for the purpose of corruption was evident from this plain circumstance, that one or two members of the legislature had, very lately, their pensions withdrawn, for no other reason than differing from the Minister on a great national question. Opposition did, therefore, introduce the bill, on the grounds of economy and constitution, with confidence, as a measure of retrenchment, and more confidence, as a measure of indispensable reformation.

But a division in support of Government of one hundred and twenty-six to ninety-eight, shewed the nation how little force the most irrefragable arguments drawn from public principle have, when opposed to private interest. It was not very easy to answer opposition, yet something must be said. It was, therefore, roundly asserted, admitting and justifying the charge of corruption, that it was necessary to have a strong Government in Ireland. What is a strong Government? Is it something distinct and differing from a virtuous Government, or a wise Go

vernment? Does it, can it mean a Government of force, that, conscious of the steady support of a venal majority, holds the public opinion at defiance?

The only true strength of Government is the confidence of the people, a confidence not lightly bestowed, nor lightly withdrawn. When that confidence is betrayed, and not only so, but when the people are laughed to scorn by their betrayers, Administration may be taught how vain the reliance is on their fancied strength. It is not wise to compel the people to look too closely into the theory of Government, and try facts by principles. What is the end for which every man renounces his natural right to legislate for himself, and vests it in another? surely for his own good, and that only. If the deputy perseveres in measures pernicious to his constituents, and laughs at their indignation, or bullies them with his strength, his constituents will shew him their power in return. Government is not physically strong, but rests in opinion. If that opinion be forfeited by misconduct, or rejected with scorn as an useless instrument, the people may begin to examine by what authority three hundred men pretend to govern and to defy four millions; and they will find that authority resulting from their own delegation, and the petulant abuse of that authority from their supine inattention; and they will shew their servants, that the power which elevated can abase. When Government make an ostentatious exhibition of their strength, it is time for the people to examine their own resources, and a thorough conviction of their relative powers is the best security for the peace of the land.

The Pension Bill being lost, opposition proceeded to another measure of a similar tendency, having for its object the diminution of the unconstitutional influence of the Minister, and the renovation of the purity of the House of Commons. I mean the Place Bill.

It was stated, in support of the bill, that members of Parliament were, like other men, liable to be governed by their interests; that the constant series of majorities, uniformly supporting the fountain of influence, was a sufficient proof of the existence of the evil; that, in the last twenty years, forty new parliamentary places had arisen, of which NO LESS THAN FOURTEEN HAD BEEN CREATED WITHIN THE LAST SIX MONTHS! That the expense, immense as it was, was but a secondary