to the free debate of both Houses. The King would not be unwilling to call a synod of godly and learned Divines, regularly chosen according to the laws and constitutions. of the kingdom, to which representatives from Scotland might be admitted-an Assembly which, in fact, would be a Convocation, whose spirit and proceedings were very well known. He gave no opinion on any Bills offered to him, but only expressed his wonder that the royal judgment should be prejudged, and that the Divine anger should be threatened for his non-consent. A sentence occurred towards the end which, though by no means agreeable to those for whom it was intended, certainly contained a large amount of truth. "Nor are you a little mistaken, if either you believe the generality of this nation to desire a change of Church-government, or that most of those who desire it, desire by it to introduce that which you only esteem a reformation, but are as unwilling to what you call the yoke of Christ and obedience to the Gospel, as those whom you call profane and worldly men, and so equally averse both to Episcopacy and Presbytery; for if they should prevail in this particular, the abolition of the one would be no let to the other, nor would your hearts be less grieved, your expectations less frustrated, your hopes less ashamed, or your reformation more secured."

The Scotch mission ended in disappointment. Much hope had been built upon the King's friendliness towards Mr. Henderson during the royal visit to Edinburgh. All remembered the minister's standing next the royal chair in sermon time, and the loving cup which passed round at the banquet. People fancied "Mr. Henderson would do wonders with the King;" and perhaps the King thought he could do wonders with Mr. Henderson, for he strove to persuade him of the justice and necessity of

taking up arms against the Parliament. But as that gentleman did not find the King so pliable as he wished; neither did the King find that gentleman so "credulous as he expected." Charles "did at once change his countenance," we are informed, when he discovered that his Scotch chaplain had written the petition which he had received, and that the document had been already circulated throughout the kingdom. Reports also had reached the royal ears of certain violent sermons and prayers uttered in Edinburgh, which tended to make the visitors at Oxford "verie unsavourie." Their life in the University city-so they complained-was uncomfortably spent. They were wearied out with delays; they had no private nor familiar conference, but all was done "in public, in a very harsh way;" letters sent to them by their friends were opened; and, in addition to this great insult, they were abused by all sorts of people, and they even feared that they should be poisoned or stabbed. "This policy," adds Baillie, "was like the rest of our unhappy malcontents' wisdom extremely foolish; for it was very much for the King's ends to have given to our Commissioners far better words and a more pleasant countenance."1

1 Baillie's Letters, ii. 66, 67.

SOME

66

CHAPTER XII.

YOME desire for a conference of Divines manifested itself immediately after the opening of the Long Parliament. Baillie had scarcely reached London, on his first mission, in 1640, when he began to speak of an Assembly in England, which was to be called together to perfect the work of reform; though, with characteristic wariness, the Scotch Commissioner said that such an Assembly" at this time would spoil all," because the clergy were so very corrupt." Dering, in the debates of October, 1641, as we have seen, recommended a synod of grave Divines; and the same measure was sanctioned by the grand Remonstrance in the winter of the same year. The Puritan clergy also, in a petition presented on the 20th of December, intreated that the consideration of ecclesiastical matters might be entrusted to a free synod, differing in constitution from the Convocation of the clergy.2 Other proofs of the prevailing wish might be adduced. At length, on the 15th of October, 1642, a Bill was introduced into Parliament for the purpose so much desired; and on its passing through a committee of the Commons. two significant resolutions were adopted; first, that the

1 Letters and Journals, i. 287.

2 Nalson, ii. 766. Thomas Fuller advocated the calling of a synod. -Life, by Russell, 124.

vote against Bishops should be appended to the Bill; and secondly, that the Parliament did not intend wholly to abrogate the Prayer Book. These additions indicated the existence of an anti-episcopal spirit, together with a lingering love for the ancient liturgy. Revolutionary ideas were still kept in check by conservative instincts, and whilst the tide of change was at the flood, sweeping the Church forward to a new position, the legislators were not prepared to let it drift away entirely from its ancient moorings. For want of the royal assent, this Bill for an assembly, after having passed both Houses, was, constitutionally considered, a dead letter. So, to remedy as far as possible the defect-the country having reached the crisis of a revolution, and the King's concurrence in the measure being hopeless-Parliament, convinced of its urgent importance, boldly issued an ordinance, bearing date the 12th of June, 1643, commanding that an Assembly of Divines should be convened at Westminster on the 1st of July following. The document recognized the Church of England as still undestroyed, by alluding to " many things in its liturgy, discipline, and government requiring further and more perfect reformation." The theory of proceeding was not to overturn and ruin one establishment first and then to create and fashion another, but only to alter that which continued in existence; yet the resolution to abolish prelatical government as soon as possible, being cited in the ordinance, that instrument, though it did not in itself go so far as formally to extinguish episcopal rule, left no doubt of a foregone conclusion in the mind of the legislators that an end must be put to the ancient hierarchy. Ecclesiastical government was to be settled so as to be most agreeable to God's Word, and most adapted to procure and preserve the peace of the Church at home, as well as to promote nearer agreement

with the Church in Scotland, and other reformed communions abroad. This document, without mentioning Presbyterianism, plainly pointed to it.

Thirty lay assessors were named first, and the priority of their enumeration indicates that the lay element occupied no subordinate place.1

Some of the persons selected were so eminent that it was impossible they should not occupy a very influential position in the conference to which they were called. John Selden, Bulstrode Whitelocke, Oliver St. John, Sir Benjamin Rudyard, John Pym, and Sir Harry Vane were of the number. Selden and Whitelocke frequently attended, and took a leading part in some of the debates.

Lay names were followed by those of one hundred and twenty one Divines. Episcopalians were not excluded. Ussher, of world-wide celebrity, Archbishop of Armagh and Bishop of Carlisle; Brownrigg, Bishop of Exeter; Westfield, of Bristol; and Prideaux, of Worcester, are to be found on the roll, with five more persons included, who afterwards became Bishops.2 These appointments would fall in with the views of such Members of Parliament as still wished for a modified Episcopacy. But names of this order, whilst they saved appearances and gave additional weight to the convention, were too few to tell in divisions; nor could any Episcopalians, identified with a sinking cause, and unbacked by any strong party amongst the Commons, expect to have much influence in

1 Rushworth, v. 337. Husband, 208.

"There must be some laymen in the synod, to overlook the clergy, lest they spoil the civil work; just as when the good woman puts a cat into the milk house to kill a mouse, she sends her maid to look after the

cat, lest the cat should eat up the cream."-Selden's Table Talk, 169.

2 Hacket, Bishop of Lichfield; Morley, Bishop of Winchester; Nicholson, Bishop of Gloucester; Prideaux, Bishop of Worcester; Reynolds, Bishop of Norwich.