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it; and for its significance as illustrating the way in which religious questions became mixed up with political ones, and how both, in some cases, sunk down to the most vulgar level.

Bishop Hall relates, in connection with the riot, that in the afternoon of the 28th of December, the Marquis of Hartford came up to the Bishops' bench, and informed their lordships that they were in danger, because the people were watching outside with torches, and would look into every coach to discover them; he adds that a motion made for their safety was received with smiles; and that some sought the protection of certain peers, whilst others escaped home by "secret and far-fetched passages." From the same authority-corroborated by other witnesses—we also learn, that Archbishop Williams, with the cry of "No Bishop" ringing in his ears, with a still more unpleasant recollection of the apprentice's attack, and also alarmed by the Marquis of Hartford's story, determined to protest against this state of things, not simply as a violation of his personal liberty, but as a violation of the freedom and rights of the Upper House. We Bishops, he argued, can no longer perform our Parliamentary duties if this be the case, and without the bishops the House of Lords is a nullity in the legislature. Upon this view being taken, twelve prelates, Williams being one of the number, repaired to the "Jerusalem Chamber in the Dean's lodgings "-that room which has witnessed so many ecclesiastical discussions, and which is so linked to the fortunes of the Church of Englandand there drew up a protest against whatever should be

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done during the absence of their order from the House of Lords.1

To this protest signatures were hastily procured. On the 27th, Williams was assaulted; on the 29th, the protest reached the house of the Bishop of Lichfield, between six and seven o'clock at night, he not having heard of it before.2

The document had been drawn up without proper deliberation, and after being signed, it was immediately presented to the King. Much as he might sympathize with the prelates, he had prudence enough now to do nothing more than at once refer the matter to the House of Lords, who, in their turn, invited the Commons to a conference on the subject. The Lower House promptly re

1 Fuller's Church History, iii. 431. He gives a copy of the protest.

2 See his speech on the 4th of March-Parl. Hist., ii. 11II.

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Bishop Hall's account in his Hard Measure would seem to imply that the King had not seen the paper before it was brought under the notice of the Upper House by Lordkeeper Littleton, but it is clearly stated (Parl. Hist., ii. 993) that what Littleton did in this matter was by his Majesty's command. "The Jesuitical faction," says a letter of the day, "according to their wonted custom, fomenting still jealousies between the King and his people, and the bishops, continually concurring with the Popish lords against the passing any good Bills sent from the House of Commons thither; and their last plot hath been their endeavour to make this Parliament no Parliament, and so to overthrow all Acts past, and to cause a dissolution of it for

the present, which hath been so strongly followed by the Popish party, that it was fain to be put to the vote, and the Protestant Lords carried it to be a free and

perfect Parliament as ever any was before. This did so gall the bishops that they made their protestation against the freedom of the vote, and the Parliament; and in their protestation have inserted such speeches as have brought them within the compass of treason, and thus the Council of Achitophel is turned into foolishness. The Earl' of Bristol and his son have been chief concurrents with them in this and other evil councils, for which they have been impeached and branded in the House of Commons." -State Papers, Letter of Thomas Smith to Sir J. Pennington, dated York House, 30th Dec., 1641.

There are allusions to these proceedings in other letters (State Papers) which all blame the bishops for want of wisdom.

solved to impeach the prelates;-only one member offering any opposition, and that simply on the ground that he did. not believe they were guilty of high treason, but were only stark mad, and ought to be sent to Bedlam. Upon receiving a message, notifying the impeachment, the Upper House immediately despatched Black Rod to summon the accused Spiritual Lords to the bar, where they soon appeared. The same night saw ten of the prelates safe in the Tower.1

The protest produced an "immense sensation." Unpopular before with the Puritans and the patriots, the bishops now became more unpopular than ever, with the former, on account of their alleged pride and arrogance; with the latter, on account of their esteeming themselves essential to the integrity of Parliament; and with all, on account of their obstinately obstructing the paths of reform. Still, the party most in advance felt rather glad than otherwise at this act of Episcopal imprudence, since it made the bench increasingly odious; and therefore afforded another and still stronger argument for hastening forward its overthrow.2 Even Episcopalians blamed the protesters, considering they had much hindered the cause they should have helped; and Clarendon pronounces their proceedings to have been ill judged. But an excuse has been offered, on the ground that the conduct of the Bishops if not constitutional was chivalrous. It has been said, "To go out in smoke and smother is but a mean

1Hall says, "On January the 30th, in all the extremity of frost, at 8 o'clock in the dark evening, are we voted to the Tower. The news of this our crime and imprisonment flew over the city, and was entertained by our well-wishers with ringing of bells and bonfires." Hard Measure.

"This day the bishops have

made a protestation against the proceedings of this Parliament, declaring it no free Parliament, This makes a great stir here. The favourers of them think it done too soon, the other side do seem now to rejoice that it is done, having thereby excluded themselves from it." Slingsby to Pennington. State Papers, 30th Dec., 1641.

way of coming to nothing." "To creep and crawl to a misfortune is to suffer like an insect." "A man ought to fall with dignity and honour, and keep his mind erect, though his fortune happens to be crushed." Without staying to ask whether there be not concealed under this plea a spirit out of harmony with the religion professed by the prelates, we may remark that no one could have blamed them for courageously defending what they deemed the rights of their order. They might justly have protested against the tumultuous conduct of the people, and have sought protection in attending the House; but to protest against what was done in the Legislature during their absence was quite another thing, and appears to have been as unconstitutional as any violence employed in order to hinder their discharge of Parliamentary duties. An accusation of treason, however, brought against them for their strange proceedings, appears extravagant; although sufficient grounds existed for censure, and the imposition perhaps of some kind of penalty: but the lawyers were spared all trouble with reference to this subject by the abolition of the Episcopal bench, and the political insignificance to which the order had been reduced by their extreme unpopularity. The protesting Bishops remained in confinement until the 5th of May following, when they were dismissed on bail.2

1 Collier's Ecclesiastical History, ii. 819.

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2 Parl. Hist., ii. 1206. The bishops were: Dr. John Williams, Archbishop of York; Dr. T. Moreton, Bishop of Durham; Dr. J. Hall, Bishop of Norwich; Dr. Robert Wright, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield; Dr. John Owen, Bishop of St. Asaph; Dr. William Piers, Bishop of Bath and Wells; Dr. John Coke, Bishop of

Hereford; Dr. M. Wren, Bishop of Ely; Dr. Robert Skinner, Bishop of Oxon; Dr. G. Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester; Dr. J. Towers, Bishop of Peterborough; Dr. M. Owen, Bishop of Llandaff.

In Parl. Hist., ii. 998, Warner is mentioned as Bishop of Peterborough, but he was Bishop of Rochester. See list of the thirteen impeached in August.

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CHAPTER IX.

HE bill of October for removing from the House of Peers had hung fire. On its reaching the Upper House it had been once read, and then laid aside. The conduct of the bishops, which led to their impeachment, also induced the Commons to urge upon the Lords the passing of this measure. After some hesitation, they read the bill a third time, on the 5th of February; and the Commons, now become impatient, expressed their sorrow, three days afterwards, that the royal assent had not been immediately given. The King's reluctance was at the same time expressed at a conference on the 8th of February, by the Earl of Monmouth, who said, "that it was a matter of weight which his Majesty would take into consideration, and send an answer in convenient time." On the 14th of February came the tardy "Le Roy le veult." No prelate now remaining to read prayers, the Peers ordered that the Lord Chancellor's or the Lord Keeper's chaplain should "say prayers before the Lords in Parliament," and in his absence, the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper should appoint some other person for that service. The vacant benches,

1 Parl. Hist., ii. 1080.

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