tile and impetuous, but well-meaning person, which he had shewn himself to be in May.

Another member, who expressed his alarm at the distractions of the times, was Mr. Smith, of the Middle Temple. While denouncing the "Book of Sports" and the persecutions inflicted by the Anglican party, he deplored existing differences of religious opinion, and besought his countrymen to worship God with one mind, and not go every one a way by himself. In the stilted euphuism of the day, he lamented that uncertainty staggers the unresolved soul, and leads it into such a labyrinth, that, not knowing where to fix for fear of erring, it adheres to nothing, and so dies ere it performs that for which it was made to live. Uniformity in religious worship, he proceeded to say, is that which pleaseth God, and, if we will thus serve Him, we may expect His protection; and then, passing over to the constitutional question, the orator declared both prerogative and liberty to be necessary, and that like the sun and moon they gave a lustre to the nation, so long as they walked at proper distances. But, he added, when one ventures into the other's orbit, like planets in conjunction, they then occasion a deep eclipse. "What shall be the compass, then, by which these two must steer? Why, nothing but the same by which they subsist-the law, which if it might run in the free current of its purity, without being poisoned by the venomous spirits of ill affected dispositions, would so fix the King to his crown that it would make him stand like a star in the firmament, for the neighbour world to behold and tremble at." Smith did not plunge into that ecclesiastical reaction which had carried Dering completely away; but he con

1 Parl. Hist., ii. 924.

tended for some measure of uniformity and for the suppression of increasing sects, whilst in political matters he recommended a course of moderation.

Another individual-far different from this pedantic adviser, and incapable of the tergiversations of the representative for Kent, though he is not to be confounded with reckless revolutionists-was still inflexibly pushing forward those ecclesiastical and political reforms which he had inaugurated by the blow he struck at Strafford, the patron and upholder of arbitrary power. Pym supported the new bill against Bishops, and managed the conference respecting the impeachment of the obnoxious thirteen prelates, and the prevention of the remaining occupants of the Bench from voting upon this question. He asked whether those who had made the hateful canons, who had endeavoured to deprive the subject of his liberties, and who were accused of sedition, were fit to be continued as legislators? St. John, the Solicitor General, and "dark-lantern man," supported Pym, and supplied an erudite legal argument to shew that bishops did not sit in the Upper House as representatives of the clergy; and that their right of peerage differed from the claim of temporal lords-they having no vote in judgments touching life and death, and their consent not being essential to the integrity of an Act of Parliament. 1

Change and reaction went on. There had long been much talk about some "Grand Remonstrance," and a committee had been appointed as soon as Parliament assembled, to draw up such a document. In April the committee had been directed to collect a list of grievances, and on the 22nd of November the long delayed paper

1 Parl. Hist., ii. 919, 920.

came before the House, to be "briskly debated." This remarkable production deals largely with ecclesiastical affairs; and the intimate connection between the religion and the politics of the times is apparent throughout its various contents. In a series of numbered propositions, amounting altogether to 206, the history of arbitrary government is carefully traced from the beginning of Charles' reign; religious grievances are made distinct and prominent; complaints appear of Papists, bishops, and courtiers, who had aimed at suppressing the purity and power of religion, and who had cherished Arminian sentiments; prelates and the rest of the clergy are depicted as triumphing in the degradation of painful and learned ministers; and the High Commission Court is compared to the Romish Inquisition. The vexatiousness of episcopal tribunals shares in the general censure, and the exile and depression of Puritans are noticed with the deepest sorrow ;preaching up the prerogative, sympathy with Papists, superstitious innovations, the late canons, the toleration of Papists, and the permission of a Papal nuncio at court, are all deplored as very great evils, whilst an opinion is expressed that there is little hope of amendment so long as Bishops and recusant Lords remain numerous, and continue to misrepresent the designs of the patriots.1

Yet it is affirmed that there exists no intention of loosing the golden reins of discipline, and of leaving to private persons and particular congregations the right to take up what Divine service they pleased. Horror respecting a general toleration is plainly confessed, and the remonstrants advocate Conformity "to that order which the laws enjoin according to the Word of God," even while they are desirous of unburdening the con

1 Rushworth, iv. 438-451.

science from superstitious ceremonies and are taking away the monuments of idolatry. A general synod is suggested as the remedy for ecclesiastical evils, and care is advised to be taken for the advancement of learning, and the preaching of the Gospel. The two Universities are referred to as fountains of knowledge which should be made clear and pure.

The sting of the Remonstrance is found in its head, not in its tail. In the petition prefixed, the King is asked to concur with his subjects in depriving the bishops of their votes in Parliament, in abridging their power over the clergy and people, in staying the oppression of religion, in uniting loyal Protestants together against disaffected Papists, and in removing unnecessary ceremonies, which were a burden to weak and scrupulous consciences. Such requests were opposed to his Majesty's ideas of the constitution of the Church, though the remonstrants were prepared to rebut the charge of there being anything whatever revolutionary in their proposals and requests.

Looking at the current of Parliamentary debates for the last twelve months, the Remonstrance may be regarded as presenting to us the sentiments of the patriotic party. Sir Edward Dering, in May, had gone beyond this remonstrance, far beyond it; but Sir Edward Dering, in November, though the same character that he ever was, had become another kind of politician. The same remarks will apply to others. He now disputed some of the statements in this famous political instrument, vindicated several of the accused bishops and clergy, protested against the spoliation of ecclesiastical estates, and intimated his apprehension of the perilous consequences which would follow the changes now set on foot. Other members pronounced the measure to be unnecessary and unreasonable, because several of the grievances now

complained of were already redressed; and they declared that the King, after his concessions, ought not on his return from Scotland to be received by his loyal subjects with ungrateful reproaches.

More was lying underneath the Remonstrance than appeared upon the surface. Looking at the character of the King, his obvious want of sincerity, and his manifest intention to recover what he had lost of arbitrary power whenever he should have the opportunity; considering also the reinvigorated spirit of the party opposed to constitutional reforms; further, taking into account the reaction going on, which had withdrawn from the remonstrants certain active confederates; and pondering, too, the unsettled and disturbed condition of the country at large-the authors of this important measure foresaw that matters could not rest where they were, and that more must be done, or everything would be lost. Breaches made in the Constitution by its enemies, rendered extraordinary efforts necessary for the preservation of popular freedom. Calculating, therefore, on further and more serious struggles, the advanced party determined to make their instrument in question a manifesto, to which they might afterwards appeal in self-justification when that day of battle should come, which appeared to them then, both so likely and so near. This must be remembered, or the Remonstrance will not be understood.

Regarded by its supporters as their palladium, it was strenuously opposed by courtiers and reactionists. The debate upon the measure, which took place on Monday, November the 22nd, lasted beyond midnight. After lights had been brought in, the members-amidst the gloom of St. Stephen's chapel and the glimmer of a few candles-continued hotly to dispute respecting this great question, with looks of sternest resolution; very