Page images
PDF
EPUB

unaccompanied by the advantages of a liberal education, by riches, station, and the influence of powerful connexions. Of this Charles Lucas exhibited a striking example. Some years before, this extraordinary man, having attracted the notice of his fellow citizens, was admitted to the common council. Here he resolved to exert himself in behalf of their privileges. The new rules, framed in the reign of Charles II., by authority derived from a clause in the act of explanation, had, as in other corporate towns, changed the powers of the city corporation. To increase the influence of the crown, among other innovations, they deprived the commons of the power of choosing the city, magistrates, and placed it in the board of aldermen, subject in its exercise on each election to the approbation of the chief governor and privy council. Of this injury Lucas loudly complained. But the law being absolute, could not be controuled. Suspecting however, that in other respects encroachments had been made on the rights of the citizens, not justified by law, he examined the city charters, and searched diligently into ancient records, by which he was convinced that his apprehensions were well founded. He published his discoveries, explained the evidence resulting from them, and encouraged the people to take the proper steps for obtaining redress. In consequence, a warm contest commenced betwixt the commons and aldermen in seventeen hundred and forty-one, which continued the two succeeding years.

Though the former struggled in vain to reco

[blocks in formation]

ver their lost privileges, the exertions of Lucas in every stage of the dispute, were strenuous and persevering. These services rendered him so respectable, and raised him so high in the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens, that on the death of Sir James Sommerville, they encouraged him to declare himself a candidate to represent them in parliament. Ambitious of an office so flattering, which would give him an opportunity of exerting his abilities to the greatest advantage in the service, not only of the city of Dublin, but of his country, he complied with their desire. His speeches to the several corporations on this occasion, which were bold, nervous and animated, in favour of liberty, encreased their attachment to him. But a number of addresses to his fellow citizens, which he wrote and published, still in a higher degree, encreased his popularity. In these, among other subjects, he considered distinctly the several branches of the constitution, pointed out to the electors of Dublin, and to the nation, the privileges of Irishmen, and the various injuries they had sustained by the usurped interference of the British legislature. The bold truths which he unfolded, and the unreserved severity of his strictures, alarmed government. They determined to crush him by the hand of power, unable to withstand his spirited efforts in behalf of his country by reason and argument. For this purpose, certain passages, the most expressive of our grievances, and, for that reason, most obnoxious to the state, were collected from his publications, and made the foundation of a charge

which was brought against him before parliament. The rights of the commons, which with particular attention he laboured to vindicate and ascertain, had been one of the subjects of his free discussion, Instead of protecting him, in reward of this service and of his exertions in behalf of the liberties of Ireland, the commons, obedient to an authority hostile to their dignity and to the interest of their constituents, listened to the charge, voted him an enemy to his country, and addressed the lord lieutenant to order him to be prosecuted by his majesty's attorneygeneral. As the cause of Lucas was that of liberty and the constitution, every freeman in the kingdom was interested in his safety. But the favour of the public was not sufficient to defend him from the danger by which he was threatened. To avoid the impending storm, he fled from Ireland. Fortune, which now deserted this oppressed patriot, after he had spent some time in banishment, placed him in a most honorable point of view. The exertions of his friends rose superior to the influence by which he was persecuted. Upon a new vacancy, he returned to Dublin, and was elected one of the representatives for the city. The same virtuous principles, and the same exertions in behalf of our constitutional rights, for which he had been hitherto remarkable, invariably distinguished his opposition in parliament. Proof against the alluring seducements of venality, he preserved his integrity unsullied, and as he had lived, died with the character of the incorruptible Lucas.

It is not unworthy of remark, that the protestant ascendancy, established by English policy in Ireland as the surest lever for moving her at pleasure, began, early after the revolution, to shew symptoms of Irish patriotism, and oppose what they considered the unnatural sacrifice of Irish interest and prosperity, to any foreign interest, under whatever name or pretext. During a period of near fourscore years, the catholics being excluded from the pale of the constitution, the task naturally devolved on Irish protestants, sharing somewhat of power with their English masters. Some writers and speakers of ability, managed the cause of the people, both in and out of parliament, supported by the whole body of the presbyterians, by principle and practice attached to constitutional freedom. From Lucas's memorial, and that presented to his majesty, king George II. by the earl of Kildare, the political creed, professed by the patriots of that day, is plain enough,

To his excellency William earl of Harrington, lord lieutenant general and general governor of Ireland, may it please your excellency, the love and duty I owe my sovereign, and the regard I bear his governments and dominions, in general, those of this my native country, in particular, which are most intimately and inseperably connected and linked together, in one common bond of affection, interest and allegiance, prompt me to use all just and lawful means to obtain an effectual redress of the capital grievances of this kingdom and city, which no good subject, or

good governor, can overlook or slight, consistent with the principles of his moral, religious and political obligations to our system of civil society.

These motives, which your excellency must be too wise and just to condemn, or discourage, first induced me to contend with my fraternity, for a reformation of my profession in the years 1735, and 1741, and since, with my superiors, for the restoration of the rights and liberties of the commons and citizens of this broken and reduced metropolis.

If your excellency will take the trouble of perusing this and the following address to the lords justices, with the dedication to the king, I flatter myself, you will see such causes assigned for the courses, I have taken, to obtain some redress of the heavy grievances of which I complain, that, I hope, you will not only pardon the presumption of once more addressing, or attempting to address your excellency in this manner, but allow there is some degree of merit in struggling through the many dangers and difficulties that have been opposed to me, for the bringing or endeavouring to bring such important truths to the royal ear, as, if regarded, must tend to the unspeakable honor and advantage of the king and people of these realms, in the security and welfare of each of which, I look upon myself to be equally interested and concerned.

However, my lord, as the same necessity which first urged me to lay our complaints before you, still strongly subsists, I should be wanting in the duty of a citizen, and a subject, and fall short

« PreviousContinue »