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Aurea maternæ fila movere lyræ : Quamvis Dircæo torsisset lumina Pentheo

Sævior, aut totus desipuisset iners,
Tu tamen errantes cæca vertigine sensus

Voce eadem poteras composuisse tua ;
Et poteras, ægro spirans fub corde, quietem

Flexanimo cantu reftituiffe fibi.

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VIII. Ad eandem.

Redula quid liquidam Sirena Neapoli jactas,

Claraque Parthenopes fana Achelöiados;
Littoreamque tua defunctam Naiada ripa,

Corpora Chalcidico facra dediffe rogo?
Illa quidem vivitque, et amena Tibridis unda

Mutavit rauci murmura Pausilipi.
Illic Romulidum ftudiis ornata secundis,
Atque homines cantu detinet atque


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7. For the story of Pentheus, a king of Thebes, see Euripides's BACCHÆ, where he sees two suns, &c. v. 916. Theocritus, IDYLL. xxvi. Virgil, Æn. iv. 469. But Milton, in torfilet lumina, alludes to the rage of Pentheus in Ovid, Metam. iii. 577.

Afpicit hunc oculis Pentheus, quos ira tremendos

Fecerat. 1, 2. Parthenope's tomb was at Naples : she was one of the Sirens. She is called Parthenope Acbeloias, in Silius Italicus, xii. 35. See Comus, v. 878.

By the fongs of Sirens sweet,

By dead Parthenope's dear tomb, &c. Chalcidicus is elsewhere explained. See EPITAPH. Damon. V. 182. I need not enlarge on the grotto of Pausilipo, near Naples.



IX. In




UIS expedivit Salmasio suam Hundredam,

Picamque docuit verba nostra conari?
Magister artis venter, et Jacobei
Centum, exulantis viscera marsupii regis.
Quod si dolosi spes refulserit nummi,
Ipse, Antichristi modo qui primatum Papæ
Minatus uno est disipare sufflatu,
Cantabit ultro Cardinalitium melos.


X. In Salmasium,*

Audete scombri, et quicquid est piscium falo,

Qui frigida hyeme incolitis algentes freta! Veftrum inisertus ille Salmasius Eques

* This Epigram is in the Defensio against Salmafius, ProseWORKS, ii. 296. See an English translation above, p. 376.

1. Salmafius in his Defense of the king, had aukwardly attempted to turn some of our forensic appellations into Latin ; such as, the County-Court, Sheriff's turn, the Hundred of a county, &c.

4. King Charles the second, now in exile, and sheltered in Holland, gave Salmasius, who was a professor at Leyden, one hundred Jacobuses to write his Defence, 1649. Wood afferts that Salmafius had no reward for his book. He says, that at Leyden the King sent doctor Morley, afterwards bishop, to the apologist, with his thanks, “ but not with a purse of gold, as John Milton the impudent lyer reported.” Ath. Oxon. ii. 770.

6. This topic of ridicule, drawn from the poverty of the exiled king, is feverely reprobated by doctor Johnson, as what“ might be

expected from the favageness of Milton.” Life of Addison. Oldmixon, he adds, had meanness enough to delight in bilking of an alderman of London, who had more money than the Pretender.

8. Will change his note : after affronting the pope, will sing the pope's praises with the most obsequious adulation of a cardinal. See the Prologue to Persius's Satires.

* This is in the Defensio Secunda, ut supr. ii. 322. It is there introduced with the following ridicule on Morus, the subject


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Bonus, amicire nuditatem cogitat ;
Chartæque largus, apparat papyrinos
Vobis cucullos, præferentes Claudii
Insignia, nomenque et decus, Salmasii :
Gestetis ut per omne cetarium forum
Equitis clientes, scriniis mungentium
Cubito virorum, et capsulis, gratissimos.*


of the next Epigram, for having predided the wonders to be worked by Salmafius's new edition, or rather reply. “ Tu igitur, “ ut pisciculus ille anteambulo, præcurris Balænam Salmafii.” Mr. Steevens observes, that this is an idea analogous to Falstaffe's “ Here do I walk before thee, &c.” although reversed as to the imagery.

7. Claudius Salmafius. Milton sneers at a circumstance which was true : Salmasius was really, of an ancient and noble family.

9. Cubito mungentium, a cant appellation among the Romans for Fishmongers. It was said to Horace, of his father, by way of laughing at his low birth, “ Quoties ego

vidi patrem tuum cubito emun. gentem ?" Sueton. Vit. HORAT. p. 525. Lipf. 1748. Horace's father was a seller of fish. The joke is, that the sheets of Salmafius's new book, would be fit for nothing better than to wrap up fish: that they should be consigned to the stalls and shelves of fishmongers. He applies the same to his Confuter who defended epifcopacy, APOL. SmectYMN. §. viii. " Whose best folios are “ predestined to no better purpose, than to make winding theets " in Lent for pilchards.” Prose-works, i. 121.

* Christina, queen of Sweden, among other learned men who fed her vanity, hird invited Salmasius to her court, where he wrote his Defensio. She had pestered him with Latin letters seven pages long, and told him she would set out for Holland to fetch him, if he did not come. When he arrived, he was often indisposed on account of the coldness of the climate : and on these occafions, the queen would herself call on him in a morning; and, locking the door of his apartment, used to light his fire, give him. breakfast, and stay with him some hours. This behaviour gave rise to scandalous stories, and our critic's wife grew jealous. It is seeiningly a slander, what was first thrown out in the MERCU RIUS POLITICUS, that Christina, when Salmasius had published his work, dismissed him with contempt, as a parasite and an ads, vocate of tyranny. [See also Milton against More, PROSE-WORKS, ii. 317. 329. and Philips, ibid. p. 397.) But the case was, to say nothing that Christina loved both to be flattered and to tyrannise,

PPP 2.


Salmafius had now been long preparing to return to Holland, to fulfill his engagements with the university of Leyden : The offered him large rewards and appointments to remain in Sweden, and greatly regretted his departure. And on his death, very shortly afterwards, she wrote his widow a letter in French, full of concern for his loss, and respect for his memory. See his VITA and Episa TOLÆ, by Ant. Clementius, pp. 52.71. Lugd. Bat. 1656. 4to. Such, however was Christina's levity, or hypocrisy, or caprice, that it is possible she might have acted inconsistently in some parts of this business. For what I have said, I have quoted a good authority. It appears indeed from some of Voffius's Epistles, that at least the commended the wit and style of Milton's performance : merely perhaps for the idle pleasure of piquing Salmafius. See Burman's SYLLOG. EPISTOL. vol. iii. p. 596. 259. 270.271. 313. 663. 665. Of her majesty's oftentatious or rather accidental attentions to learning, some traites appear in a letter from Cromwell's envoy at Upfall, 1653. Thurlow's State-Papers, vol. i. 104. While she was more bookishly given, she had it in her

thoughts to institute an Order of Parnaffus ; but shee being of " late more addicted to the court than scholars, and having in a “ pastoral comedie herselfe acted a shepheardesle part called Ama“ ranta : shee in the creation invests with a scarfe, &c.Her learned schemes were fometimes interrupted by an amour with a prime minister, or foreign embassadour : unless perhaps any of her literary fycophants had the good fortune to possess some other pleasing arts, and knew how to intrigue as well as to write. She thewed neither taste nor judgment in rewarding the degrees or kinds of the merit of the authors with which she was surrounded : and the fometimes caressed buffoons of ability, who entertained the court with a burlesque of her most favourite literary characters. It is perhaps hardly possible to read any thing more ridiculous, more unworthy of a scholar, or more disgraceful to learning itself, than Nicholas Heinfius's epiftles to Christina. In which, to fay nothing of the abject expressions of adulation, he pays the most servile compliments to her royal knowledge, in consulting her majesty on various matters of erudition, in telling her what libraries he had examined, what Greek manuscripts he had collated, what Roman inscriptions he had collected for her infpe&tion, and what conjectural emendations he had made on difficult passages of the classics. I do not mean to make a general comparison : but Christina's pretensions to learned criticism, and to a decision even in works of profound philofophical science, at least remind us of the affectations of a queen of England, who was deep in the most abstruse mysteries of theology, and who held solemn conferences with Clarke, Waterland, and Hoadly, on the doctrine of the Trinity.

See Notes on the last Epigram.

Salmafius's Reply was posthumous, and did not appear till after the Restoration : and his Defens10 had no fecond edition.

XI. Galli


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Alli ex concubitu gravidam te, Pontia, Mori,

bene moratam, morigeramque neget?*

* From Milton's Defensio SECUNDA, at. fupr. ii. 320. And his RESPONSIO to Morus's Supplement, ibid. ii. 383. This distich was occasioned by a report, that Morus had debauched a favourite waiting maid of the wife of Salmafius, Milton's antagonift. See Burman's SYLLOG. Epist. iii. 307. Milton pretends that he picked it up by accident, and that it was written at Leyden. It appeared first, as I think, in the MERCURIUS POLITICUS, a sort of newspaper published at London once a week in two sheets in quarto, and commencing in June 1649, by Marchmont Nedham, à virulent but versatile party scribbler, who fometimes libelled the republicans, and sometimes the royalists with an equal degree of fcurrility, and who is called by Wood a great crony

of Milton. These papers, in or after the year 1654, perhaps at the instigation of our author, contain many pasquinades on Morus. Bayle, in the article Morus, cites a Letter from Tanaquil Faber. Where Faber, so late as 1658, under the words calumniola and rumufculi, alludes to some of Morus’s gallantries : perhaps to this epigram, which served to keep them alive, and was ftill very popular. Morus laid himself open to Milton's humour, in asserting that he mistook the true spelling of the girl's name, “ Bonriam, fateor, aliud apud

me manufcriptum habet. Sed prima utrobique litera, quæ fola variat, ejusdem fere apud vos poteftatis eft. Alterum ego no

men, út notius et elegantius, salvo criticorum jure, præpofui.” Autor. PRO se,&c. ut fupr. ii. 383. And she is called BONTIA in a citation of this Epigram in a letter of N. Heinfius, dated 1653. SYLLOG. ut fupr. iii. 307. Where says the critic,“ “ noscis in illo Ouweniani acuminis ineptias.” He adds, that the Epigram was shewn him by Ulac, from the London newspapers, Gazettis Londinenfibus, where it was preceded by this unlucky anecdote of our amorous ecclesiastic. And in another, dated 1652, Gazettæ certe Londinenses fabellam narrant lepidiffimam, &c.' Ibid. p. 305. Again, in a Letter from J. Voffius to H. Heinsius, dated 1652.“ Mihi fane Æthiops (Morus] multo rectius facturus “ fuisse videtur, fi ex Ovidii tui præcepto a Domina incepisset, “ Minor quidem voluptas illa fuisset, fed longe majorem iniviffet

gratiam. Divulgata eft pafim hæc fabella, etiam in gazettis

publicis Londinensibus. Addita etiam EPIGRAMMATA." Ib. p. 649. Again, from J. Ulitius at the Hague to N. Heinsius, dated

1652. “ Prodiit liber cui tit. CLAMOR, &c. Angli Morum pro ' " autore habentes, nupero Novorum [News] Schedio cum vehe



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